The Political Consequences of
the “whitening” of Latinos Myth
Victor M. Rodriguez, Professor,
California State University, Long Beach (Author Latino Politics in the United States: Race, Ethnicity, Class and Gender
in the Mexican American and Puerto Rican Experience in the United States.
Kendall-Hunt, 2012)
Nate
Cohn in the New York Times opened a racial pandora’s box with his article on the whitening of Latinos.
He received responses from a number of interested observers of Latino issues.
From LatinoRebels to academics such as Amitai Etzioni, Manuel Pastor and then he
retorted with another article in which kicking and screaming insisted he was right. Unfortunately,
the study which was the stage for this debate has not been released. One proposed
nuanced, preliminary understanding of the study by D’Vera Cohn of the PEW
Foundation was lost in the initial barrage of articles.
When
an issue which is usually the province of nerdy academics writing for
peer-reviewed journals not read by the public releases this much energy is
because Nate Cohn hit a raw nerve that is at the core of decades of debate
within and without the Latino community about Latino inclusion. This debate,
which began immediately after the end of the Mexican American War in 1846 was
initially fought through isolated acts armed insurrection, through the legal
and illegal expropriation of Mexican Land grants held by wealthy Mexican,
Hispano landowners (including the intermarriage with Anglos which had the same
outcomes). In the end, and some argue that by the 1880s in California, Mexicans
had been neatly positioned in a fuzzy category at the bottom of the United
States’ racial hierarchy but still somewhat in a higher rung than African
Americans. Later, as the Mexican community had changed with immigration from
Mexico, many of whom were recruited by U.S. corporations in mining and
agriculture, the struggle took another political character as an insider group.
Then the strategies were labor/trade union struggles and other activities to
gain civil and human rights. Ironically, after all these years, Latinos are, as
a group, (an important distinction) still in the same spot. Recent data on home
ownership, academic achievement, school expulsions, children in foster care,
racial profiling have African Americans in the bottom experiencing the most
intense discrimination and Latinos somewhere in the middle between whites, and
some Asians groups.
Because
of this intermediate position in the racial hierarchy, for years, especially
during the 20th century, the first major Latino (mostly Mexican)
advocacy organizations, like the League of United Latin American Citizens
(LULAC) rather than joining with African Americans in challenging the entire
racial structure chose to try to collectively wiggle their way into whiteness.
One individual informal way of doing this was by identifying as “Spanish”
rather than Mexican which was a strongly racialized term. Amėrico Paredes a
Mexican American novelist wrote in his novel George Washington Gomez than in Texas there were wealthy and poor
blacks, but only wealthy Spanish and poor Mexicans. Class has always had a
pivotal role in racial and ethnic identification among Latinos. Other Latinos,
like Puerto Ricans in the northeast the strategy was not that overt, was more
subtle through the self-identification as “Spanish” to establish a difference
from African Americans. Cubans on the other hand strongly identified as
not-black given their social context in the Florida Deep South. The
organization Marti-Maceo, founded in 1899 on Marti’s anti-racist values
eventually became segregated in 1900.
One
aspect of the process of the incorporation or not of Latinos into the
mainstream of the United States (white middle class) is the need to
differentiate between individual racial/class mobility and collective. It is
obvious that some individual lighter skin Latinos have crossed over into
whiteness (some have returned depending on whether it was strategically
advantageous to be Latino). The focus, it seems to me, is what is happening to
Latinos/Hispanics as a collective?
Historically,
the “white” strategy has backfired, one not very well known historical event is
the Hernandez v. Texas case decided by the Supreme Court. Since Mexicans were
legally considered white (not socially) Mr. Hernandez was accused of murder and
was judged by a jury of his peers. Since Mexicans were legally white his jury
was entirely white. He of course was found guilty and sentenced to a life
sentence. In fact, in Jackson County where the trail was held not one Mexican
American served in a jury in 25 years. Mexican American lead Attorney Gus
Garcia was able to get the Earl Warren Court to unanimously agree that the 14th
amendment protected other classes beyond the black/white binary. Being formally
white did not entail the privileges whiteness entails to individuals in the
United States.
The
reality is that many individual Latinos have traversed the whiteness border
depending on their class, education and color. In “Shades of Color” Sonya
Tafoya (2004) found that self-identification as white is influenced by whether
the person if foreign born (more likely to choose other in 2000 census), or
native born. Being a citizen, native born, higher education increase the
probability of individuals choosing white. As this study and others have found
they are also more likely to vote for the Republican Party. Does this mean they
are living a “white” life or are they aspiring to truly be “white”?
It seems obvious that skin color may be a factor on
whether people identify as white, as Tanya Bolash-Goza in her “Dropping the Hyphen? Becoming Latino (a)-American
through Racialized Assimilation” (2006) shows that experiencing discrimination
leads Latino to be less likely to identify as “Americans” (code for “white”)
and more likely to self-identify with a hyphen as Mexican-American. So the
color of a person’s skin will still be a factor in how society incorporates or
not individuals and groups into the middle class white fold. In their 2010
study Reanner Frank et al “Latino Immigrants and the U.S. Racial Order:
How and Where Do They Fit In?” "Some Latinos will be successful in the bid
to be accepted as 'white' - usually those with lighter skin. But for those with
darker skin and those who are more integrated into U.S. society, we believe
there will be a new Latino racial boundary forming around them." So in
their view skin color and the length of experience with the system of race
(native born versus foreign born) will
determine their sense of membership in racial categories.
But the recent study by
Laura Pulido and Manuel Pastor “Where in the World Is Juan—and What
Color Is He? The Geography of Latina/o Racial Identity in Southern California”
add another dimension that is crucial. First again they find that the longer
Latinos experience the racial system the clearer it is to them that they will
not be part of the “most favored status.’ But another novel contribution is
space, space does matter. As geographers they have reminded us that we develop
a social identity in the context of community and that segregation is a power
force in shaping the dynamics of the social construction of identity. The more
time we spend interacting with others in similar conditions to us the more
similar we become. These are conditions that lead to identifying as “Some other
Race.(SOR)” “Latinas/os living in area that have a higher percentage of people
of color and are more racially segregated are more likely to identify as SOR,
while those living in the most suburbanized areas are much more likely to
identify as “white.” If these are the factor on which the social construction
of a racialized identity are hinged, there will be no “whitening” in a massive
scale anytime soon. That would entail a radical transformation of U.S. society
and an incredible process of upward social mobility for Latinos. Even the issue
of Affirmative Action is being transformed into an issue of place/race, not
only race because of the persistence of segregation the recent book “Place, Not
race: Affirmative Action and the Geography of Opportunity” Sheryll Cashin Law
Professor at Georgetown University Law Center, indicates how entrenched segregation is
and how new strategies will be needed to challenge its effects.
Another
possibility which is mostly discounted by Pulido and Pastor is the
Bonilla-Silva thesis “From Bi-racial to
Tri-racial’: Towards a New System of Racial Stratification” in the USA” of a new
re-configuration of our racial architecture away from the binary system that
now prevails. He argues that what might happen, and the data on segregation
could support this, is a tri-racial system with whites at the top, Latinos as a
“buffer” between whites and African Americans at the bottom. This buffer would
be made up of Latinos who could “pass” as whites while darker skinned Latinos
would join the lower stage with African Americans. This also depends on a
robust process of upward mobility for Latinos which remains to be seen.
This debate has usually had Mexican Americans as a core
centerpiece of what this country portends for Latinos. Being the largest Latino
group and the one who has had the longest experience in this country it is
reasonable for their experience to be instructive and determinative for the
entire Latino experience. This is the reason why some moderate and
conservatives have focused on Chicanos and have argued that Mexicans will be
fully incorporated. One classic version of this thesis is Peter Skerry whose
book Mexican Americans: The Ambivalent Minority in 1993
also caused a roar when he said that Chicanos were on the same assimilation
path of European Americans. His title was in some sense interpreted as a
backhanded attack at Chicano activists by implying that Mexican Americans
wanted to assimilate, a process challenged by many Chicanistas. Time proved him
wrong since in 2014 we are still debating the process of the full incorporation
of Latinos.
In the end Mr. Cohn cites professor Sanchez from Latino
Decisions: “Gabriel
Sanchez, an associate professor at the University of New Mexico and a director
of research for the polling group Latino Decisions, interpreted the upward
swing in white identification as consistent with the possibility that
well-assimilated Hispanics might become "for most social purposes,
white." Professor Sanchez is right, however, that was not the issue, of
course assimilated Latinos will identify as “white.” The issue is how broad the
process of whitening is? Will it encompass a large proportion of Latinos? Will
it continue to be a minority experience among Latinos? My perspective, unless
there is a radical transformation of U.S. society and economy, it will be a
minority experience for Latinos. This not an abstract issue since a
transformation like this will change the nature of politics in the United
States. “White” Latinos are more likely to vote for the Republican Party and
support conservative causes (with some exceptions). As Garcia-Bedolla showed “The Identity Paradox: Latino
Language, Politics and Selective Dissociation” (2003)
assimilation tends to divide the community and disempower Latinos. This study
shows how more assimilated Latinos, were more likely to vote in favor of
Proposition 187 and distance themselves from Latino immigrants. This
proposition, would have expelled undocumented children from school and deny
health care among other public services. Fortunately, the California Supreme
Court found it unconstitutional on two grounds, violation of 14th
Amendment (Due Process) and a violation of the supremacy clause of the constitution
that establishes the federal government’s primacy over immigration issues.
No comments:
Post a Comment