tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34129281567843964772024-03-08T10:24:55.699-08:00Ethnos_BoriquenCultural and political commentary from a radical, anti racist perspective.
Comentarios culturales y politicos desde una perspectiva radical y anti-racista.Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.comBlogger93125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-53056281388702811052018-06-22T12:39:00.002-07:002018-06-22T12:40:22.579-07:00The Battle For Paradise: Puerto Rico Takes on the Disaster Capitalists <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<br />
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<div class="MsoNormal">
Book Review</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span class="a-size-large"><b><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 16.0pt; line-height: 107%;">The Battle For
Paradise: Puerto Rico Takes on the Disaster Capitalists</span></b></span><b><span style="color: #111111; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 16.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; orphans: 2; word-spacing: 0px;"> </span></span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: #333333; font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"></span><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; orphans: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">Haymarket Books (June 5, 2018)</span>
Naomi Klein</b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">It is not
common for Puerto Rico to be in the media and academic limelight, just like the
classic study about Puerto Rico’s political status vis a vis the United States <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Puerto Rico: The Trials of the Oldest Colony
in the World</i> by Jose Trias Monge stated, Puerto Rico has been invisible in
the political imagination of the United States. Despite Puerto Ricans are
citizens of the United States since 1917, most in the United States imagine
them as foreigners. It was not surprising that after Puerto Rico was placed in
the limelight by the chaos caused by Hurricane Irma and Maria and the lack of
empathy evidenced by images of President Trump during his visit to the island, most
of the media discovered part of another Puerto Rico beyond the beaches, palm
trees and the piñas coladas. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">In recent years
there are two factors explaining why there is more media and academic focus on
Puerto Rico, one, the colossal $73 billion debt the island has incurred in the
last decades and the worst human catastrophe unleashed by two hurricanes in
2017. But contrary to other catastrophic events this, the largest in the
history of the United States, occurred on its hidden colonial possession. A
recent study by Harvard University estimated that 4,645 Puerto Ricans died as a
consequence of the events revealed by the natural disaster has shocked many but
unfortunately much of the media coverage has just scratched the surface. While
there are other estimates which might deviate somewhat from this estimate the
reality is that it has been difficult for the media and even academics to have
a historically contextualized understanding of the depth of this disaster. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">Since September
20 of 2017 the focus of the media has been on the ravages of the Hurricanes, first
Irma and then Maria, released in Puerto Rico. The electrical grid, completely collapsed
with people more than a year without electricity, hospitals shutting down, some
towns completely isolated from each other, a health crisis that is expressed in
deaths, suicides and the increasing gradual but perceptible depopulation of the
island. It is estimated that close to 500,000 people had left the island the
majority traveling to the United States. Since 2004 the population of Puerto
Rico has been on a decline, today 5.4 million Puerto Ricans live in the United
States compared to 3.4 million in the Puerto Rican archipelago. The early decline
was due to the worsening economic mic situation and the increasing indebtedness
of the colonial government. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">Naomi Klein,
well known Canadian writer and social activist who popularized the concept of
the “shock doctrine” which describes how the insecurity, powerlessness that a
population experiences during economic depression, chaos allows the government
to impose unpopular policies that normally would not be possible in normal
circumstances. Naomi Klein in an accessible language, but rigorously factual, develops
a narrative that connects the various strands that underlie Puerto Rico’s
present tragedy Also, contrary to most of the mainstream media Klein weaves
some of the historical facts, connected to Puerto Rico’s colonial status with
policies by the US and the colonial government. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">When the
natural disaster hit the Puerto Rican archipelago on September 20 2017 it
intensified, forces that in the last decades have left Puerto Rico’s economy,
its infrastructure in shambles. These forces are a combination of decisions
made by the colonial government of Puerto Rico in order to finance a bankrupt
economy and governmental institutions. But the forces and woven together by the
manner by which the United States has used, since Puerto Rico was conquered
after the Spanish-Cuban American War of 1898. Since the beginning Puerto Rico
was seen as a tabula rasa which allowed the United States to implement tax
policies, immigration policies, and later in the 20<sup>th</sup> century
military and medical and chemical experimentation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">Given the
complexity of the origins of Puerto Rico’s plight it is not possible to provide
an accessible diagnostic in a book whose goal is to reach broader audiences for
Puerto Rico’s narrative. There are a number of academic articles that have recently
provided excellent background for the role of US tax policies, for example Diane
Lourdes Dick, expert in tax law, 2015 provided an expert background to the
relationship between US tax policies and US imperialism in Puerto Rico.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“U.S. domination over Puerto Rico's tax and
fiscal policies has been the centerpiece of a colonial system and an especially
destructive form of economic imperialism. Specifically, this Article develops a
novel theory of U.S. tax imperialism in Puerto Rico, chronicling the sundry
ways in which the United States has used tax laws to exert economic dominance
over its less developed island colony. During the colonial period, U.S.
officials wrote and revised Puerto Rican tax laws to serve U.S. economic
interests.” (1) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">More recently, Puerto
Rican economists Jose Caraballo and Juan Lara provided the most precise
diagnostic for the increased indebtedness of Puerto Rico. They provide a thorough
dismantling of the myth that Puerto Ricans basically, and irresponsibly placed
themselves in the critical situation that preceded the natural disaster brought
about by the hurricanes. In some sense most of the narratives, even the liberal
ones, have been rooted in the “liberal” framework of the “culture of poverty”
which essentially blames the victims for their plight. These exonerate the
empire from any responsibility. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">“Using econometric
analysis, we found that PuertoRico’ s government indebtedness is, to a large extent,
connected to a sharp decrease in manufacturing employment (i.e. Deindustrialization)
suffered by this economy, and weak evidence that It was caused by an excessive government
payroll or overgenerous federal programs. In light of our empirical results, we
discussed how the consequences of deindustrialization ultimately led to increase
government borrowing.” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">The
deindustrialization of the island was the outcome of congress’ decisions to
eliminate policies which provided incentives for industries like the
pharmaceutical and medical instruments to establish themselves in Puerto Rico.
After 2006 these incentives were eliminated creating a wave of industrial closings
and increased unemployment. The tax base was constrained and the government decided
to use the bond market to sustain medical services, law enforcement, education
etc. Puerto Rico had few fiscal powers to reform its currency, search for new
markets (Cabotage Law forces the island to use the inefficient and expensive US
merchant marine), 80 percent of all goods including food are imported. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">These analyses
together with Klein’s book provide the best understanding of the chaotic
disaster that Puerto Rico is experiencing. But what Klein contributes because
of her involvement wit local social movements and informants is the warning
about the policies that are being implemented in Puerto Rico based on a
neo-liberal ideology which will increase the crisis and will lead Puerto Rico
to a process of depopulation that some have called genocidal. At the same time,
she is able to focus on the forces that from the ground up are resisting and
that will hopefully provide the basis for the reconstruction of a better more
just and self-sustaining society. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">Congress
imposed another layer of colonial control when in 2016 it legislated Puerto<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"> Rico Oversight, Management, and Economic
Stability Act</span> or PROMESA which cynically means promise in in Spanish. However,
the promise is the imposing a series of measures by a board appointed by
congress with mostly non-Puerto Ricans, or Puerto Ricans connected to the
finance markets, most republicans. The measures which include austerity
measures have led to the closing of hundreds of schools, a debacle in pensions
due to cuts, reduction of public workers including members of the publicly
owned electric company (who privatization has just been approved) which left
the agency with few resources to deal with the collapse of the electrical grid.
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">Klein talks
about how the governor of Puerto Rico, who favors statehood for the island and
other members of his government have created a vision of a future Puerto Rico,
that is like a blank slate where innovators (“job creators”), can come to the
island and create a neo-liberal paradise for investors. But this “paradise”
will be a hell for Puerto Ricans. One of the immediate outcomes is that the depopulation
of Puerto Rico continues and wealthy investors, are contributing to the gentrification,
not of a neighborhood but of an entire nation. Laws which provide generous tax
benefits to wealthy people who move to the island and invest have created a growing
population of what Klein calls Puertopians who will help pant the black canvas
of Puerto Rico into an investor’s paradise. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">Recently (2018)
the colonial legislature, under threat from the Fiscal Control Board (with
power over fiscal affairs in Puerto Rico) was attempting to legislate a law
that would take away workers protection from being fired from their jobs. The
fiscal control board was blackmailing the legislature to pass this legislation by
threatening other measures which would reduce the government budget for things
like the Christmas bonus and other financial measures which have existed for
years. These measures are rapidly being implemented, which creates confusion
and a sense of powerlessness among the people impacted. The “shock therapy” is
alive and well in Puerto Rico. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">The Fiscal
Control Board has a budget of $1.5 billion, its executive director has an annual
salary of $625,000 (more than the governor) and they have planned to set up a
surplus of $6.5 billion to pay creditors while Puerto Rico which will need $95
billion to rebuild will only get $57 billion from the US federal government.
This is a way of extracting money from an impoverished island with a colonized
voiceless population. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">At the same
time, from the bottom up, despite the seemingly state of powerlessness that
pervades among Puerto Ricans, social movements are quietly developing a way of
resisting and indicating that there is another vision for what a paradise would
look like for Puerto Ricans. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">She describes
the work of environmentalist organization Casa Pueblo, who was initially one of
the only places in the central mountains with access to electricity because of
it solar powered panels. Its radio station also was for many days the only
source of information for many in the island. This organization has been led by
a group of engineers and scientists who decades ago were in the forefront of a
national social movement to stop the open-air mining of copper and other
minerals located in the island’s central highlands. Hundreds of college youth
camped in the areas that were targeted by the US multinationals and contributed
to the change of plans which saved the mountain regions of Puerto Rico from
devastation. Arturo Massol Deya, a biologist and his family led the process of
transforming their movement into an environmental organization. His
organization was awarded the Goldberg award years back which helped propel
further their organizing efforts. Recently they have managed thousands of acres
of forests and provide training and education to youth.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">Puerto Rico, because
of the colonial policies which limit the island being able to protect its
industries and agriculture imports 80 por cent of the food and goods consumed
in the island. Ironically, in the last few decades a group groups and
individuals began to buy land and set up sustaining ecological farms. After the
storm these disparate agricultural islands were growing tubers like cassava,
sweet potatoes, taro that were the only ones that were not uprooted by the
storms. These agricultural products had been the source of food for Puerto Rico’s
indigenous Tainos and the Africans who were enslaved in Puerto Rico but
interacted with the Tainos. The isolated islands of agricultural producers have
recently begun to networks and have created a movement that together with other
community organizations are beginning to imagine from the ground up another
vision of the paradise in Puerto Rico that is self-sustaining and which will
provide the basis for sustaining the island’s population. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">Interestingly,
one large source of support, both financial and political for the resistance
efforts in Puerto Rico are the millions of Puerto Ricans in the diaspora. Hundreds
of Puerto Ricans have raised funds, volunteered to go to work in Puerto Rico.
In some sense the diaspora is providing a voice to Puerto Ricans in the island
since Puerto Ricans cannot vote in US elections. Many organizations in the US
are pressuring congress, together with the four Puerto Rican congresspersons
representing Puerto Rican communities. Many of those Puerto Ricans who left
recently are finding a connection with their homeland. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; mso-fareast-font-family: Arial;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><i><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; font-style: normal;">U.S. Tax Imperialism In Puerto
Rico</span></i><i><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;"> By Diane
Lourdes Dick</span></i><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">* 65 Am.
U. L. Rev.1, 2015.</span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif; mso-fareast-font-family: Arial;"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2.<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">Deindustrialization
and Unsustainable Debt in Middle-Income Countries: The Case of Puerto Rico By
Jose Caraballo Cueto and Juan Lara Journal of globalization and development,
Vol 8 Issue 2, 2018.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">Victor Manuel
Rodriguez</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">Department of
Chicano and Latina/o Studies</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , sans-serif;">California
State University, Long Beach</span></div>
</div>
Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-37574490526497331242015-08-16T08:23:00.000-07:002015-08-16T08:23:06.853-07:00Puerto Rico's Crisis? Let's Look At Our U.S. History <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Aug 6 2015, 9:34 am ET </span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 24.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">Opinion: Puerto Rico's Crisis? Let's Look At Our U.S.
History </span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">by Victor M. Rodriguez </span></div>
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There's a new kid on the block - Cuba has become the darling of US economic
and political interests. In contrast, Puerto Rico continues to be the unwanted
child that is more of a nuisance and for whom there is no love lost.<br />
<br />
Ironically, the histories of Puerto Rico and Cuba were intertwined since
before the Spanish-American War, when the last colonies of Spain in the
Americas fell into United States control. The Cuban Revolutionary Party, which
led the Cuban war of independence, had a Puerto Rican section and its platform
included the struggle to free Puerto Rico and Cuba from Spain.<br />
<br />
While the countries' flags are similar, their colors are inverted. And now
their paths are diverging in dramatic ways. At one point after the Cuban
revolution in 1959, Puerto Rico was showcased as a democratic model. Now Cuba's
possibilities are in the spotlight.<br />
<br />
Yet whereas Cuba's present events are seen in the context of history-
primarily the last 54 years of the embargo - history is missing in the efforts
of American and Europeans pundits to make sense of Puerto Rico's crisis.<br />
<br />
While political action committees supporting the lifting of the blockade
against Cuba (with support from U.S. businesses) are sprouting in the nation,
other lobbying organizations are also being formed around Puerto Rico's crisis
with the purpose of not allowing Puerto Rico to get the tools it needs to pull
itself out of the weight of a $73 billion dollar debt. 60 Plus, a conservative
lobbying organization that is partially funded by the Koch brothers, has
mounted a vigorous campaign to deny Puerto Rico a bailout. In fact it has
supported placing the island under a financial control board which will further
limit the scarce options Puerto Rico has as an "unincorporated
territory" of the United States.<br />
<br />
<strong>Our history as a useful - but unincorporated - territory</strong><br />
<strong> </strong> <br />
Contrary to the experiences of Hawaii, Arizona and Alaska, Puerto Rico did
not become a territory -the legal space for lands conquered by the United
States which could then become a state. Puerto Rico instead became an
"unincorporated territory," meaning it "belongs to but its not
part of the United States."<br />
<br />
Puerto Rico cannot go to international banks because it does not have
international standing as a colonial possession. It also can't increase its
trade and reduce the cost of its trade because it is forced by an archaic law -
the Jones Act enacted in 1920 - that forbids the island from using any other
ship except the U.S. merchant marine. Some studies have indicated that the use
of the U.S. merchant marine increases the cost of living in Puerto Rico by $200
million (lowest estimate). <br />
Even worse, the U.S. Congress imposes life and death decisions on Puerto
Rico, yet the commonwealth only has one "resident commissioner" who
has a voice but no vote in Congress. 3.6 million Puerto Ricans are powerless
and basically voiceless in probably the most critical time in its 117 year
relationship with the United States.<br />
<br />
For those who question why Puerto Rico finds itself in this
"territorial" situation, it is worth remembering that the island did
not have a choice; Puerto Rico served a strategic military interest for the
U.S. going back to the 19th century as one of the "coaling" stations
around the world. In fact, the U.S. built the largest naval base outside of the
United States in Puerto Rico. German ships roamed the Caribbean (both in WWI
and WWII) and the U.S. felt it needed to buttress its fortifications. <br />
In 1941, lands were expropriated in the eastern part of Puerto Rico in a
town called Ceiba and in the island of Vieques. The deep-water port that was
created in Roosevelt Roads was large enough in case the British Navy was in
danger of falling into the hands of Nazi Germany.<br />
<br />
During the Cold War, Puerto Rico was the launching pad for troops that
invaded the Dominican Republic in 1965, and provided logistical assistance to
many other military interventions in Latin America including the invasion of
Panama in 1989. Other military installations like the naval center in Sabana
Seca were also used for electronic surveillance of Latin America. It wasn't
until 2003 that the U.S. Navy left Vieques and closed Roosevelt Roads in 2004.<br />
<br />
<strong>Uneven playing field</strong><br />
<strong> </strong> <br />
In 1984, Congress took away (no explanation provided) the possibility of
Puerto Rico using the bankruptcy process in order to restructure its debts.
Puerto Rico's legislature, whose powers are also limited by Congress, recently
passed its own bankruptcy law to help its public corporations use the process
to reorganize and alleviate the weight of the large debt. But the law was
repealed by the federal courts because it was unconstitutional. Puerto Rico
cannot make decisions on its own, only with the approval of Congress, where it
does not have a meaningful presence.<br />
<br />
Puerto Rico status and lack of power arise from long-held stereotypes about
Puerto Ricans that are deeply rooted in American culture. In 1909, President
Taft said Puerto Ricans were given more power than was good for them. More
recently, some stories in the media have reaffirmed that view of Puerto Ricans.
In a July 2014 <a href="http://www.wsj.com/articles/mary-ogrady-puerto-ricos-borrowing-bubble-pops-1404684277">Wall
Street Journal column</a> under the title "Puerto Rico's Borrowing
Bubble", Mary Anastasia Grady paraphrased Margaret Thatcher, "Here we
go again: Another big government paradise is running out of other people's
money."<br />
<br />
<strong>Set Up for Failure: A Manufactured Crisis</strong><br />
<strong> </strong> <br />
It is crucial to understand that Puerto Rico exists in a particular legal
context completely created by the United States. Unfortunately, while the
United States provided modernity to the old colonial institutions -
particularly for labor - in terms of self-governance it was a step back. In the
last few years of Spanish colonial rule, Spain granted autonomy to Puerto Rico
in 1897. The island was able to have a customs system to place tariffs on
foreign goods and protect its local production, it was able to enter
international treaties, and also had an elected parliament with two chambers -
the house of representatives (all had to be born in the island) and the
administrative council. It was able to have representatives in the Spanish
parliament with vote and voice. It did not grant total sovereignty but it had
more tools to develop its economy than Puerto Rico's present status.<br />
<br />
After World War II, when decolonization processes where taking place around
the world, the United Nations was questioning Puerto Rico's colonial status. <br />
In alliance with Puerto Rico's governor Luis Muñoz Marín, a former socialist
and supporter of independence, the U.S. created the so-called
"Commonwealth" (the Estado Libre Asociado, or Free Associated State)
which was presented to the United Nations as a non-colonial solution. <br />
A consequence of this "ruse" led the United Nations to approve
removing Puerto Rico from the list of nations which had not achieved
self-determination. Puerto Rico was able to draft its own constitution but the
constitution was subordinated to the U.S. Since there were some progressives in
the Popular Democratic Party they in fact inserted the International Bill of
Rights into that constitution, including the right to education.<br />
<br />
Since the U.S. Congress had plenary powers it deleted that and other parts
of the constitution that would have strengthened the educational process and
given rights to Puerto Rico that even states did not enjoy.<br />
<br />
While Puerto Rico had no international presence, the U.S. used some Puerto
Rican intellectuals to create a good image of "autonomy" and equal
partnership. One of the leading Popular Democratic Party (the party that
supported the commonwealth status) intellectuals, Teodoro Moscoso was the
architect of the island's industrialization program and was named director of
President Kennedy's Alliance for Progress.<br />
<br />
But efforts to 'enhance" the "Estado Libre Asociado" failed,
despite the fact that in 1967 and 1993 the "Commonwealth" supporters
won the referenda asking to enhance the powers of Puerto Rico. On both
occasions, despite promises, the U.S. Congress ignored the results. The
"Commonwealth" has remained the same since the 1950s.<br />
<br />
Even progressive economist Paul Krugman misses the point when he writes in a
New York Times column that "There was a time when Puerto Rico did quite well
as a manufacturing center," or "Puerto Rico then, is in the wrong
place at the wrong time."<br />
<br />
The reality is that the place where Puerto Rico is currently was created by
American policies and institutions, and it's a place set up for failure, not
success. This "manufacturing center" was already failing by the
1970s, according to economist James Dietz, author of "<a href="http://www.amazon.com/Puerto-Rico-Negotiating-Development-Change/dp/1588261476/ref=pd_sim_14_5?ie=UTF8&refRID=0Q76CJZF9Q6FJSMQN8A0">Puerto
Rico: Negotiating Development and Change."</a><br />
<br />
By the 1970s the industrial model of Krugman refers to began to sputter and
the wage convergence (wages in Puerto Rico and the United States growing
together for some time) that was used to say the model was doing well for
Puerto Rico ended. It is also when the local government began to borrow because
it felt it could not raise more revenues as the economy was cooling off.<br />
<br />
<strong>Moving forward</strong><br />
<strong> </strong> <br />
The only solution to the Puerto Rico's crisis is to have the tools it needs
to increase its economy. Austerity measures will deepen the crisis and could
likely create political and social instability. <br />
Yet despite Puerto Rico's indebtedness, no changes are even suggested to its
current colonial status. One reason is that the "unincorporated
territory" is profitable for a sector of American business. Last year,
(2014) about 36 million dollars were repatriated by Puerto Rico-based
corporations. The other reason is that there is an escape valve for the
frustration - people can vote with their feet and leave. <br />
But the pressure cooker cannot withstand more austerity. A qualitative
change in the relationship between the United States and Puerto Rico - with
more sovereign powers to develop its economy and break the economic dependence
- are necessary. Puerto Ricans don't want handouts, they want the possibility
of creating an economy that works, not one that is based on smokes and mirrors.<br />
<br />
Unfortunately, the Popular Democratic Party may not be able to lead this
process since it is enmeshed with the debtors. The New Progressive Party -
whose leader, Pedro Pierlusi, is the non-voting Puerto Rican Resident
Commissioner in Congress - is trying to use the occasion to ask for statehood.
Unfortunately, he is not aware of our historical context. Puerto Rico's status
was not created for statehood but for perpetual colonization or independence.<br />
<br />
<em>Victor M. Rodriguez is Professor and former Chair of the Department of
Chicano and Latino Studies at California State University of Long Beach. Among
his published works is </em><a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1465204555/dissivoice-20"><i>Latino
Politics in the United States: Race, Ethnicity, Class and Gender in the Mexican
American and Puerto Rican Experience in the United States</i></a><em> (Kendall-Hunt,
2012). He can be reached at: </em><a href="mailto:victor.rodriguez@csulb.edu"><i>victor.rodriguez@csulb.edu</i></a><em>.or
his</em><a href="http://ethnosboriquen.blogspot.com/"><i> website</i></a><em>.</em>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
</div>
Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-72369957669169991952015-08-05T06:21:00.000-07:002015-08-05T06:21:28.826-07:00Historical Context: The Key to Make Sense of Puerto Rico’s Social, Economic and Political Crisis<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;">Historical
Context: The Key to Make Sense of Puerto Rico’s Social, Economic and Political
Crisis</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;">Victor M.
Rodriguez is Professor and former Chair of the Department of Chicano and Latino
Studies at California State University of Long Beach. Among his published works
is </span><a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1465204555/dissivoice-20"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;">Latino Politics in the United
States: Race, Ethnicity, Class and Gender in the Mexican American and Puerto
Rican Experience in the United States</span></i></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;"> (Kendall-Hunt, 2012). He can be reached at: </span><a href="mailto:victor.rodriguez@csulb.edu"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;">victor.rodriguez@csulb.edu</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;">.or </span><a href="http://ethnosboriquen.blogspot.com/"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;">visit
Victor's website</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;"> </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Puerto Rico, is not
usually portrayed in any meaningful way in the mainstream media of the United
States. When the news about Puerto Rico’s impending economic crisis began to
timidly trickle into the front pages in 2011, the December 17 2014 news about
rapprochement between Cuba and the United States quickly pushed Puerto Rico
into the background. Ironically, the history of Puerto Rico and Cuba was
intertwined since before the Spanish-American War when the last colonies of
Spain in the Americas, fell into United States control. The Cuban Revolutionary
Party which led the Cuban war of independence had a Puerto Rican section and
its platform included the struggle to free Puerto Rico and Cuba from Spain. Its
flags are similar with the colors inverted. But their paths have diverged in
dramatic ways. At one point after the Cuban revolution in 1959, Puerto Rico was
showcased as a democratic model. Now Cuba as the new kid in the block has
become the darling of US economic and political interests. In contrast, Puerto
Rico continues to be the unwanted child that is more of a nuisance and for whom
there is no love lost. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">While history is part of
the news narrative about the United States and Cuba, with many references to
the last 54 years of the embargo, history is missing in the efforts of American
and Europeans pundits to make sense of Puerto Rico’s crisis. While political
action committees supporting the lifting of the blockade against Cuba (with
support from U.S. businesses) are sprouting in the nation, other lobbying
organizations are also being formed around Puerto Rico’s crisis with the
purpose of not allowing Puerto Rico to get the tools it needs to pull itself
out of the weight of a $73 billion dollar debt. 60 Plus, a conservative
lobbying organization, partially funded by the Koch brothers has mounted a vigorous
campaign to deny Puerto Rico a bailout. In fact it has supported placing the
island under a financial control board which will limit even more the scarce
options Puerto Rico has as an “unincorporated territory” of the United States. Contrary
to the experiences of Hawaii, Arizona, Alaska, Puerto Rico as the result of a
series of Supreme Court decisions called the “Insular Cases” at the beginning
of the XX century, (almost the same court that wrote the Plessy v. Ferguson
decision which legitimated segregation in 1896) did not become a “territory.” A
territory is the legal space for lands conquered by the United States which
could then become a state. Puerto Rico instead became an “unincorporated
territory” it “belongs to but it is not part of the United States.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Puerto Rico cannot go to international banks
because it does not have international standing as a colonial possession. It
also can’t increase its trade and reduce the cost of its trade because it is
forced by an archaic law, the Jones Act 1920, that forbids Puerto Rico, an
island, from using any other ship except the U.S. merchant marine. Some studies
have indicated that the use of the U.S. merchant marine increases the cost of
living in Puerto Rico by $200 million (lowest estimate). But even worse,
congress makes life or death decisions on Puerto Rico yet Puerto Ricans only
has one “resident commissioner” who has voice but not vote in congress. 3.6
million Puerto Ricans are powerless and basically voiceless in probably the
most critical time in its 117 year relationship with the United States.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">In 1984, congress took
away (no explanation was provided) the possibility of Puerto Rico using the
bankruptcy process in order to restructure its debts.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The local legislature of Puerto Rico, whose
powers are also limited by congress recently passed a “Creole Bankruptcy Law”
to help its public corporations use the process to reorganize and alleviate the
weight of the large debt. The law was repealed by the federal courts because it
was unconstitutional. Puerto Rico cannot make decisions on its own, only with
the approval of congress where it does not have a meaningful presence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Puerto Rico status and
lack of power arise from long held stereotypes about Puerto Ricans that are
deeply rooted in American culture. President Taft in 1909 said about Puerto
Rico that “Puerto Ricans were given too much power than it was good for them.”
More recently, some stories in the media have reaffirmed that view of Puerto
Ricans. In an article in the Economist in November 23 2013, speaks about Puerto
Ricans in a way being irrational because despite the crisis they were still
filling the shopping malls. In the Wall Street Journal, Mary Anastasia Grady a
column titled “Puerto Rico’s Borrowing Bubble” on July 6 2014 wrote “Here we go
another big government paradise is running out of other people’s money.”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Set Up for Failure: A Manufactured
Crisis</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Having a systemic historic
perspective, is essential to understand Puerto Rico’s present crisis.
Unfortunately, many analysts have written about Puerto Rico’s crisis without
having knowledge of the historical context. Others have written individualistic
narratives about what is happening in individuals, those who leave the island
and those who stay. Unfortunately, even when these narratives are written with
empathy because of their focus on the trees they miss the forest. It is crucial
to understand that Puerto Rico exists in a particular legal context completely
created by the United States. Unfortunately, while the United States provided
modernity to the old colonial institutions, particularly for Labor, but in
terms of self-governance it was a step back. In the last few years of Spanish
colonial era, in 1897, Spain granted autonomy to Puerto Rico. Puerto Rico was
able to have a customs system to place tariffs on foreign goods and protect its
local production, it was able to enter international treaties, and also had an
elected parliament with two chambers the house of representatives (all had to
be born in the island) and the administrative council. It was able to have
representatives in the Spanish parliament with vote and voice. It did not grant
total sovereignty but it had more tools to develop its economy than Puerto
Rico’s present status. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">After World War II, when
decolonization processes where taking place around the world, the United
Nations was questioning Puerto Rico’s colonial status. The U.S. in alliance
with, Luis Muñoz Marin, a former socialist and supporter of independence were
able to create a farce, the so-called “Commonwealth” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Estado
Libre Asociado-Free Associated State) which was presented to the United Nation
as a non-colonial solution. A consequence of this ruse led the United Nations to
approve removing Puerto Rico from the list of nations which had not achieved self-determination.
Puerto Rico was able to draft its own constitution but the constitution was
subordinated to the U.S. Since there were some progressives in the Popular
Democratic Party they in fact inserted the International Bill of Rights into
that constitution, including the right to education. Congress, since it had the
plenary powers deleted that and other parts of the constitution that would have
strengthened the educational process and given right to Puerto Rico that even
states did not enjoy. Also, while Puerto Rico had no international presence the
U.S. used some Puerto Rican intellectuals to create a good image of “autonomy”
and equal partnership for Puerto Rico. One of the leading Popular Democratic Party
intellectuals Teodoro Moscoso and the intellectual architect of the
industrialization program of Puerto Rico was named director of President
Kennedy’s Alliance for Progress. But efforts to ‘enhance” the “Estado Libre Asociado”
failed despite the fact that in 1967, 1993, the “Commonwealth” supporters won
the referenda asking to enhance the powers of Puerto Rico. On both occasions
despite promises congress ignored the results. The “Commonwealth” has remained
the same since the 1950s. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">In addition to the
economic interest the U.S. has had in Puerto Rico is the strategic military
interest that goes back to the 19<sup>th</sup> century with the need to have “coaling”
stations around the world for the U.S. navy which was a core piece of the
United States expansionary policy. For example, the U.S. built the largest
naval base outside of the United States in Puerto Rico. German ships roamed the
Caribbean (both in WWI and WWII) and the U.S. felt it needed to buttress its
fortifications. In 1941, lands were expropriated in the eastern part of Puerto
Rico, a town called Ceiba and in the island of Vieques. The deep-water port that
was created in Roosevelt Roads was large enough in case the British navy was in
danger of falling into the hand of Nazi Germany. The plans were to bring the
entire navy and berth it in Roosevelt Roads. Also during the Cold War Puerto
Rico was the launching pad for troops that invaded the Dominican Republic in
1965, and provided logistical assistance to many other military interventions in
Latin America including the invasion of Panama in 1989. Other military
installations like the naval center in Sabana Seca were also used for electronic
surveillance of Latin America. The military have always been until 2003, when
popular movements got the U.S. to close Roosevelt, very much against any
changes in Puerto Rico’s status because of fear that more powers to the Puerto
Ricans would limit the military use of Puerto Rico. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Even progressive
economist Paul Krugman, misses the point when he writes in an August 3, 2015
column in the New York Times “There was a time when Puerto Rico did quite well
as a manufacturing center….” Or in his comment “Puerto Rico then, is in the
wrong place at the wrong time.” The reality is that the place where Puerto Rico
is was created by American policies and institutions, a place set up for
failure not for success. This “manufacturing center” was already failing by the
1970s, according to economist James Dietz author of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Puerto Rico: Negotiating Development and Change</i>. By the 1970s the
industrial model of Krugman refers to was created by Luis Muñoz Marin, founder
of the Popular Democratic Party (the party in power today) began to sputter. The
wage convergence (wages in Puerto Rico and the United States growing together
for some time) that was used to say the model was doing well for Puerto Rico
ended. It is also when the local government begins to borrow because it felt it
could not raise more revenues since the economy was cooling off. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">The only solution to the
Puerto Rico’s crisis is to have the tools it needs to increase the economy,
austerity measures will deepen the crisis and could likely create political and
social instability. But despite the indebtedness of Puerto Rico no changes are
even suggested in its colonial status. One reason is that the “unincorporated
territory” is profitable for a sector of American business, last year, (2014)
$36,052 billion in income were repatriated by Puerto Rico based corporations. The
other reason is that there is an escape valve for the frustration, people can
vote with their feet and leave. But the pressure cooker cannot withstand more
austerity, the previous pro-statehood governor Luis Fortuño experienced
significant social strife to the extent that the U.S. Department of Justice
issued a scathing critique of how the Police Department of Puerto Rico violated
human rights in how it handled the social protests. A qualitative change in the
relationship between the United States and Puerto Rico, with more sovereign powers
to develop its economy and break the economic dependence are necessary. Puerto
Ricans don’t want handouts, they want the possibility of creating an economy
that works, not one that is based on smokes and mirrors. Unfortunately, the
Popular Democratic Party may not be able to lead this process since it is
enmeshed with the debtors, the New Progressive Party, whose leader, Pedro
Pierlusi, the non-voting Puerto Rican Resident Commissioner in Congress, is
trying to use the occasion to ask for statehood. Unfortunately, he also is not
aware of the historical context. Puerto Rico’s status was not created for
statehood but for perpetual colonization or independence. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
</div>
Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-25524127948086091632015-07-23T12:39:00.003-07:002015-07-23T12:40:09.245-07:00#PuertoRicoDignityoverDebt NYC Committee for Dignity over Debt in PR<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="color: black; font-size: 20.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">After Greece,
Puerto Rico: Another Crisis Created by Capitalism</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="color: black; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI"; mso-bidi-font-size: 20.0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Saulo
Colón and Daniel Vila for the NYC Committee for Dignity over Debt in PR</span></i><span lang="EN" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><br />
</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-no-proof: yes;"></span><span lang="EN" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><br />
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span> </span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="color: black; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">In
2013 teachers took over the legislature</span></b><span lang="EN" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><br />
On Monday June 29, the Governor of Puerto Rico, Alejandro García
Padilla, delivered a live message to the people of Puerto Rico stating that the
government’s $73 billion debt is unpayable. The governor stated, “The public
debt, considering the present level of economic activity, is unpayable”. <br />
<br />
Several analysts in the corporate media, and also on the liberal
left<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>who are not very familiar with
Puerto Rico, have stated that his message came as a shock to the country. This
is not true.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Articles and editorials in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">El Nuevo Día, El Vocero and Primera Hora</i>,
the country’s three major newspapers as well as television and radio broadcasts
in the days subsequent to the Governor’s message express the general consensus
that the people of Puerto Rico were not surprised by his words.<br />
What did shock many was the payment of almost $1 billion two days later
to pay off debt fees. An article in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">El
Vocero</i> July 3 goes into this matter.<br />
<br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> This is a fabricated crisis.</b><br />
The colonial government of Puerto Rico is simply bowing to the demands of
international financial forces which, like in Greece, have been demanding that
taxes on working people be increased, that the labor rights enjoyed by some be
eliminated and that remaining productive sectors still in hands of the government
be privatized.<br />
<br />
Since the privatization of the Puerto Rico Telephone Company in
1998, the people of Puerto Rico and in particular the working class have been
resisting countless efforts by the two ruling political parties, the Popular
Democratic Party and the New Progressive Party, to eliminate labor and
democratic rights in order to tighten the screws of neoliberal economic policy
and maintain wealth accumulation for a small predator elite.<br />
<br />
Similar to the Greek peoples’ long struggle against austerity, two years
ago teachers and other public sector workers and supporters occupied the
Legislature building of Puerto Rico in response to the government’s decision to
reduce the benefits for retirees. Videos and pictures of the dramatic takeover
electrified the country as an example of popular resistance and indignation
(see picture).<br />
<br />
Instead of supporting the people, Governor Padilla has been telling
the country that the way to solve this crisis is to implement the
recommendations in the Krueger Report, developed by a group of economists
headed by Ann Kruger, a former bureaucrat for the IMF (the International
Monetary Fund) the same financial institution that the Greek people rejected in
their recent NO vote. <br />
<br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">This Report proposes that
Puerto Rico:</b><br />
a) Reduce the number of hours worked by government employees; <br />
b) Privatize government owned agencies specifically the electric company
(Autoridad de Energía Eléctrica), the water resources company (Autoridad de
Aqueductos y Alcantarillados), the State Insurance Corporatio (FSE) and the
public education system; <br />
c) Reduce the minimum wage which is now $7.25 an hour; <br />
d) Reduce the number of sick days;<br />
<br />
In addition, the July 11 edition of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">El
Nuevo Día</i> says it has confidential information that the government intends
to fire public sector employees. The previous governor already fired 20,000
workers.<br />
<br />
As evidence of the preference by elites to attack workers via
"disaster capitalism" and Puerto Rico's inability to remedy its
economy due to its lack of sovereign power, the colonial governor said, as
quoted by <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">El Vocero</i> on July 3: “We
will not get Puerto Rico out of this mess by taking sun on the beach.” With
these words he was referring to his intention of reducing the number of
vacation days won by public sector unions. However, regarding the corporate
sector he has a different tone, putting forward a plan to grant multinational
corporations even more tax breaks.<br />
<br />
This is what capitalism is, a plan of attack by Wall Street, by the
hedge fund investors who profit off these debts and the misery they cause and
by the international capitalist financial institutions like the IMF and the
World Bank to dominate the economies of many countries thru imperialist debt.<br />
<br />
In his book, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Confessions of an
Economic Hitman</i>, John Perkins states: “Economic hit men (EHMs) are highly
paid professionals who cheat countries around the globe out of trillions of
dollars. They funnel money from the World Bank, the U.S. Agency for
International Development (USAID), and other foreign ‘aid’ organizations into
the coffers of huge corporations and the pockets of a few wealthy families who
control the planet's natural resources. Their tools included fraudulent
financial reports, rigged elections, payoffs, extortion, sex, and murder. They
play a game as old as empire, but one that has taken on new and terrifying
dimensions during this time of globalization."<br />
<br />
He explains in detail that the goal of these hitmen is to first
sink countries in debt. Then since the debt is not payable, the international
loan agencies takeover and privatize a country’s public sectors and are also
granted access to mineral deposits and given other corporate incentives or
privileges.<br />
In a nutshell, that is what Wall Street, the banks and
international finance institutions are attempting to implement in Puerto
Rico.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">But our fight has just begun!</b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b> <br />
</span><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri; mso-no-proof: yes;"></span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="color: black; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI"; mso-bidi-font-size: 20.0pt; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="EN" style="color: black; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Workers
protesting in front of the Legislature</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> Last
week several labor leaders met with the governor. After the meeting, Pedro
Maymi, President of the Puerto Rican Workers Central Union, declared that they
have already given back all that they can. The new President of the Teachers
Federation Mercedes Martínez urged teachers to prepare for a renewed fight
against the privatization of schools in August.<br />
<br />
In the long run however, Puerto Rico, which was invaded by the USA
in 1898, must break the chains of colonial capitalism. Puerto Rico is covered
with shopping malls and fast-food chains. These corporations make more than $60
billion annually in profits and pay no taxes, unlike its low-wage workers who,
contrary to capitalist myth, pay many local and sales taxes (just not federal).<br />
These corporations also receive many government subsidies. Capitalism
makes billions in profits from the colonial status of Puerto Rico. That is why
Puerto Rico is a colony of the USA: to transfer wealth from the people to the
capitalists. This is why Puerto Rico needs independence. <br />
We believe resistance is the only solution. Only a militant and united
fight back against the international capitalist gangsters who prefer profits
instead of democracy can stop this corporate offensive against people and the
planet. We therefore urge solidarity among all working people.<br />
We support the Greek and Black Lives Matter movements for dignity and
life.<br />
Puerto Rico owes nothing.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="EN" style="color: black; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-family: "Segoe UI"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><br />
We will not pay. We will fight. #PuertoRicoDignityoverDebt</span></div>
</div>
Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-48148630318486590052015-07-01T10:39:00.000-07:002015-07-01T10:39:41.857-07:00Puerto Rico’s Economic and Fiscal Crisis: Manufactured by the U.S.<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
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Puerto Rico’s Economic and
Fiscal Crisis: Manufactured by the U.S.</div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Why Puerto Rico can’t push itself out of the fiscal and economic
malaise…</i></div>
<b><span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">Victor M. Rodriguez</span></b><span style="font-size: 10.0pt;">, Professor, California State University, Long <i>Beach.
He is the author of Latino Politics: Race, Class, Ethnicity and Gender in the
Mexican American and Puerto Rican Experience (Kendall Hunt, 2012).</i></span><br />
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
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On Tuesday June 23, the Special
Decolonization Committee of the United Nations heard 30 petitioners who came to
denounce from various perspectives the colonial situation of Puerto Rico. For
the 34<sup>th</sup> time the UN committee approved a resolution requesting that
the United States allow Puerto Rico to exercise its right to self-determination
and independence. In 1953, the U.S. and colonial administrators lied to the
U.N. in order to get Puerto Rico off the list of territories which still had
not achieved self-determination. They told the UN that Puerto Rico in 1952 had
drafted a constitution and now was exercising self-determination. This despite
the fact, as Jose Trias Monge who was the Attorney General of Puerto Rico from
1953 and 1957 and a central actor in the colonial government, revealed in his
book <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Puerto Rico the Trials of the Oldest
Colony in the World</i> (1997) that the government of the United States,
through the state department and the department of the interior said “Puerto
Rico should still be considered a territory.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Through political pressure in a smaller United Nations, the US petition
to remove Puerto Rico from the list was approved with 26-16 and eighteen
abstentions. </div>
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<br /></div>
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Despite the vote and since then,
Puerto Ricans, increasingly from various political perspectives have trekked to
the U.N. demanding that the U.S. fulfill international law with respect to the
island. In recent years the number of United Nation members supporting Puerto
Rico’s request has grown from the time when Cuba and the Soviet Union and its
allies where the only ones supporting Puerto Rico’s efforts. Now, with the
political and economic changes that have taken place in Latin America and the
partial diplomatic retrenchment of the U.S. in Latin America, the issue has
received broad support from Ecuador, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Bolivia and other
nations who before were on the margins on efforts to denounce Puerto Rico’s
colonial status. In the recent Summit of the Americas in Panama last April,
attended by President Obama and President Raul Castro, expression of support
for Puerto Rico were again expressed broadly. </div>
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<br /></div>
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But, the increasing fiscal and
economic crisis ailing the island has brought more attention to Puerto Rico’s
colonial situation. Already some stocks have experienced a decline especially
those related to municipal bonds, or insurers of municipal bonds. The recent
comments by Gov. Alejandro Garcia Padilla of the Popular Democratic Party
(supporter of the commonwealth status) that Puerto Rico would not be able to
pay its $73 billion debt caused strong reaction in the capital markets. That
lack of liquidity because of lower tax revenues may even cause a government
shutdown like in 2006. In addition, a possible default could take place in
September 2015 and will hit Wall Street investors who have played casino with
Puerto Rican bonds which are not subject to local or federal taxes. But, also,
Puerto Rican elites have served as intermediaries for the financial predators
from Wall Street engaging in corruption and enabling predatory lending policies.
A recent report commissioned by the government by Anne Krueger and two other
former International Monetary Fund directors provided prescriptions that will
be worse than the disease which ails the economy. One of the problems the
colonial government faces is that its tax revenues continue to shrink as the
economy stagnates and large numbers of Puerto Ricans, including professionals
emigrate. One of the suggestions was to reduce the minimum wage which will have
a deleterious impact on poverty and the capacity of the working population to
pay taxes. In sum, the report places the weight of the economic crisis on the
backs of the working people of Puerto Rico. </div>
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<br /></div>
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In addition some political
sectors, especially the conservative pro-statehood groups are trying to
leverage influence to get congress to consider statehood for Puerto Rico. In
order to gain support from members of congress they have allied themselves with
the most conservative members of congress who attend fundraisers for their
political campaigns despite the fact Puerto Ricans can’t vote for congress or
the president of the U.S.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Recently in
June Sen. Don Young Republican from Alaska chaired the Natural Resources
Committee where he heard petitioners on the issue of Puerto Rico’s political
status.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A few days before he had
participated in a fund-raiser in San Juan, Puerto Rico hosted by a
Pro-Statehood Organization, Igualdad. The timing of the fund-raiser and the
hearing was critiqued by many, Sen. Young has raised close to $147,000 from
island donors in the last two decades. As before no positive steps came out of
that hearing. </div>
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<br /></div>
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But visits to the United Nations
while important to keep the world’s attention to Puerto Rico’s colonial plight
have not produced changes in U.S. policy. Ironically, 60 years of no diplomatic
relations with Cuba is beginning to change, including the re-opening of
embassies but the stalemate in Puerto Rico continues. The efforts of political
parties of the left and of civic organizations have become repetitive rituals
that have not led to solving the 117 years colonial relationship between the
United States and Puerto Rico. This issue becomes more pressing given the
chaotic economic situation of this island of more than 3.5 million inhabitants
who, as defined by the Supreme Court inhabit a special legal space as an
“unincorporated territory” of the United States. In layman’s terms Puerto Rico
“belongs to but it is not part” of the United States. This new legal space was
created, the “unincorporated territory” to facilitate the acquisition of
territories if the United States so desired without having to grant statehood.
The court members during most of the insular cases where almost the same
justice which handed down the Plessey vs Ferguson decision which legalized
segregation in the United States in 1896. The consequences of these decisions
were that an unincorporated territory “could be kept in subordination
indefinitely without the prospect of future statehood.” (1) </div>
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<br /></div>
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The Supreme Court decisions
called the Insular Cases are the legal structure that has legitimated the
subordination of Puerto Rico for the last 117 years and served as the genealogy
of the economic, social crisis that Puerto Rico faces today. With a public debt
of $73 billion, which is 96 per cent of Puerto Rico’s Gross National Product,
just to service the debt the island has to use 44% of its revenue, unemployment
is rampant (14.4% 2014), labor participation rate is among the lowest in the
world (40.6% ), poverty is 46% (higher than any other state). This critical
economic situation is worsened by the fact that Puerto Rico is totally
dependent on the U.S. merchant marine, the most expensive in the world. The
Jones Act, enacted in 1920 prohibits the island, which imports 85% of its food,
from utilizing any other cheaper shipping alternative which according to one
study increases the cost of living for the residents by about $200 million.
(2)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
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<span style="mso-tab-count: 2;"> </span></div>
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While there have been
comparisons between Greece and Puerto Rico the reality is that they are totally
distinct situations. Greece has sovereignty, Puerto Rico does not. Puerto Rico
is unable to declare bankruptcy, cannot devalue its currency and cannot go to
international financial institutions under the present colonial system. In fact
one of the solutions offered in the United States to solve the chaotic economic
crisis is to place the entire island in receivership. In other words to go back
to an even more rigid colonial system so that the bonds market can protect
their investment.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It seems that the
sentiment expressed by Simeon Baldwin in an analysis of the constitutional
questions related to the acquisition of territories in the Harvard Law Review
in1899 are still dominant <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“it would be
unwise to give … the ignorant and lawless brigands that infest Puerto Rico …
the benefit of the constitution.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
belief in the inferiority of Puerto Ricans to be provided their powers to find
solutions was stated since the beginning by President Taft in 1909, this was in
the midst of another economic conflict when the Puerto Rican legislature in an
act of resistance against the colonial system refused to approve the colonial
budget. President Taft said in a message to “congress that Puerto Ricans were
given too much power than it was good for them.” (3). It seems that the culture
and attitudes about Puerto Rico have not changed. </div>
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<br /></div>
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Footnotes</div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
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1. Gerald Newman “Introduction”
in<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> Reconsidering the Insular Cases: The
Past and Present of the American Empire</i>, Harvard University Press,
2015.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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2. Puerto Rican Senator Rossana
López presided a commission of the Puerto Rican legislature which approved a
resolution and a report (Senate Resolution #237), which finds that cabotage law
(Jones Act) cost Puerto Rico $200 and increases the cost of living by 40%. </div>
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<br /></div>
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3. Juan R. Torruella “The
Insular Cases: A Declaration of their Bankruptcy and My Harvard Pronouncement”
in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Reconsidering the Insular Cases: The
Past and Present of the American Empire</i>, Harvard University Press, 2015.</div>
</div>
Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-9567553487483138722014-06-27T06:42:00.001-07:002014-06-27T06:42:33.191-07:00The Devil Never Sleeps EI Diablo Nunca Duerme So Play On! By Dr. Rudy Acuña<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<br />
Dr Rudy Acuña is one of the founders of Chicano Studies, his classic book Occupied America opened up the eyes of many to the role of systemic racism in Mexican American history. He is the author of many books about various aspects of the Mexican Americana and Latino experience and a model of a scholar-activist. Her he expands on the use of the popular distraction over sport to continue the expoliation of Mexico's resources. <br />
<br />
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="line number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="page number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="table of authorities"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="macro"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="toa heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Closing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
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<br />
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
The Devil Never Sleeps</div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
EI Diablo Nunca Duerme</div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
So Play On!</div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
By</div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
Rodolfo F. Acuña</div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The devil never
sleeps, so I'll sleep when I die</i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">When I lay down I feel
him watchin', I'll sleep when I die</i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The devil never
sleeps, so I'll sleep when I die</i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">When I lay down I feel
him watchin', I'll sleep when I die</i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 1.0in; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
The
1968 Olympics in Mexico City left an indelible impression on me. When John
Carlos and Tommie Smith raised their fist in the black power salute it changed
me and others view of history. It seemed as if it was the perfect eulogy to the
martyrs of the Tlatelolco massacre who on the night of October 2, 1968 the
Mexican army in collusion with the United States killed an estimated 300.
Carlos and Smith’s fists primarily paid tribute to the historic Civil Rights
Movement but for many of us Tlatelolco was fresh on our memories.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
After this point sporting events took on a new meaning, and
the old yay team seemed less important and hollowed. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
The
black power salute took on broader meanings, and I looked behind the sports
industry and its role as an opiate of the masses. In recent years, events such
as the Olympics and the World Cup have become irritants not so much because of
the competition and the sport events but because of the reaction of the fans.
It is as if Tlatelolco and Carlos and Smith’s fist had never happened. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
An
editorial by Francisco Goldman this week titled “Fooling Mexican Fans” brought
this to mind. Goldman quoted a <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">SinEmbargo</i>
article that wrote, “<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Ready for your Clamato
and Gatorade?</i>” which he pointed out were common hangover remedies. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">SinEmbargo </i>went on “<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">In about three weeks, when you wake from your World Cup dreams,
remember that when the soccer fest began, the country was on the verge of
monumental decisions. If upon waking, you realize that the country’s energy
reserves have been cheaply sold off or whatever else, don’t bother protesting
because this is a chronicle foretold</i>.” <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2014/06/23/opinion/fooling-mexican-fans.html?smid=fb-share&_r=0" moz-do-not-send="true">http://www.nytimes.com/2014/06/23/opinion/fooling-mexican-fans.html?smid=fb-share&_r=0</a>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
The
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">SinEmbargo</i> editor pointed out that
Mexican politicos were debating and passing laws “<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">that could open Pemex, the nationalized oil company, to foreign
investment, the Mexican Congress scheduled legislative sessions from June 10 to
23, dates precisely coinciding with you know what. Final passage might be
pushed back, but it originally looked like it was supposed to happen on Monday,
when Mexico plays Croatia to decide which country advances to the elimination
rounds</i>.”</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
Goldman
recounted that in 1998, also under the leadership of PRI the Mexican Congress
passed a $67 billion rescue of Mexican banks, which like the U.S. bailout ten
years later was paid by taxpayers. It happened on December 12, which as all
good Mexicans know, is the Day of the Virgin of Guadalupe and the start the
Christmas holiday season. Again on Dec. 12, 2003 PRI legislators teamed up with
conservative allies to “fast track” the constitutional assault and the
privatization of Pemex that is being accomplished as we read</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
The
dictator Porfirio Díaz once said “<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Pobre
México tan lejos de Díos y tan cerca a los estados unidos</i>” (Poor Mexico so
far away from God and so close to the United States). The truth be told, what
he said about the devil to the north has become a reality in the guise of the
police, corrupt functionaries, greedy elites and university administrators
within Mexico.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
There
is nothing wrong with talking about soccer teams as long as they don’t
encourage a national amnesia or hide the fact that “the devil never sleeps.”
The victories of the Mexican team should be celebrated but not hide the
memories of the Tlatelolco massacre or the raising of the black power fists
that happened in 1968 while others were celebrating.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We should not need Clamato and Gatorade to
wake up to what is left behind.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
The
devil takes the form of the greedy Mexican capitalists who will benefit from
the so-called reforms, and the opiate of the World Cup. They benefit from the
economic integration brought about by trade treaties and other accords that
accelerate the process of economic modernization.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Remember free trade is not fair trade. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
However,
we delude ourselves into thinking that the devil is not at work in our country.
One of my favorite people recently posted on Facebook that he would root for
the American team because it would be unpatriotic to root against the U.S. This
was while flying a picture of Zapata. I don’t say this to criticize him but I
only say that he should stay awake and remember that the devil never sleeps.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
A
commentator on Goldman’s piece wrote: “<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">How
is the situation you describe in Mexico any different than what occurs in the
US? Does anyone remember a debate on bills that 1) gave $15 billion to oil
companies, 2) immunized gun companies against those horrible frivolous
law-suits, 3) made it impossible for the CDC to conduct research on the health
costs of gun violence, and 4) attempt to bankrupt the Postal Service; most passed
in the middle of the night.</i>”</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
Of
course, the devil is a fictional character who too many Americans believe
exists. The devil was manufactured to keep us in line. Americans delude
themselves into thinking that they are on the side of the angels. </div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
They
are under the illusion that they are safe, and forget that the “devil never
sleeps.” The saying is a metaphor for events and people we should beware of
instead of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">When I lay down I feel him watchin', I'll sleep when I die…</i>”</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
Unfortunately,
some never learn this lesson. I don’t remember how many times I have warned
student activists and faculty to beware of vacations –Thanksgiving, Christmas,
between semesters and the long hot summers especially. The devil in the form of
administrators and the Trustees who divert our attention from pressing issues,
and use then to lessen faculty governance.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>In this case, the devils are not the critics, but those who benefit --
administrators earning six figure salaries. They hide the fact that tuition is
driven by their salaries and by the proliferation of administrators and their
minions. Indeed, their teams are padded with assistants, most of who do not
have doctorates and earn more than full professors. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
I
live in dread of the summers because they are a time when faculty takeoff to
conferences, vacations and indulge themselves watching events such as the world
cup<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b>and debate who is<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b>better Lebrón or Kobe.<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b>They take on<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b><span>a devil-may-care attitude, which means that
they seem relaxed and do not seem worried about the consequences of what is
happening at the university or to their democracy. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-theme-font: major-fareast; mso-font-kerning: 14.0pt;">The game becomes all-consuming and they forget the “<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">the martyrs of the Tlatelolco massacre who on the night of October 2,
1968 the Mexican army in collusion with the United States killed an estimated
300. Carlos and Smith’s fists paid tribute to the historic Civil Rights
Movement but for many of us Tlatelolco was fresh on our memories</i></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
So
Play On! I am awake knowing that “<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
devil never sleeps, so I'll sleep when I die</i>.”</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
</div>
Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-45791992050152625352014-06-24T07:53:00.000-07:002014-06-24T07:53:15.625-07:00Cuba en África: Historia Olvidada (Revisada 623 2014)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<br />
<br />
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="footnote reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="line number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="page number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="endnote text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="table of authorities"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="macro"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="toa heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Closing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-size: 18.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Cuba en
África: Historia Olvidada<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; mso-outline-level: 1;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 16.0pt;">Reseña: </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">Piero Gleijeses<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Visions
of Freedom: Havana, Washington, Pretoria, and the Struggle for Southern Africa,
1976-19</i>. 736 paginas. (</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">The University of North Carolina Press, 2013</span>)<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;"> </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Victor M. Rodriguez, catedrático, Universidad de
California, Long Beach (Autor: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Latino
Politics in the United States: Race, Ethnicity, Class and Gender in the Mexican
American and Puerto Rican Experience</i>. </span><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Kendall-Hunt, 2012.)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-line-break-override: restrictions; punctuation-wrap: simple; vertical-align: baseline;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">“El opresor mata dos veces, primero mata el cuerpo y
segundo, borrando las memorias.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Anónimo</span><span lang="ES-PR" style="color: #ff9900; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; mso-outline-level: 1;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">“La
memoria de los pueblos oprimidos es algo que no se puede borrar, y para estos
pueblos con estas memorias la revuelta está a flor de piel.” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">―
</span><a href="http://www.goodreads.com/author/show/1899.Howard_Zinn"><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Howard
Zinn</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><a href="http://www.goodreads.com/work/quotes/2185591"><i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">A People's History
of the United States: 1492 to Present</span></i></a><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
</span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; mso-outline-level: 1;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; mso-outline-level: 1;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">“La Historia es el producto
del poder, pero el poder por sí mismo nunca es tan transparente que su análisis
sea superfluo. La marca definitiva del poder es su invisibilidad; el reto mayor
es revelar sus raíces.”<i><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></i></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Michel-Rolph Troillot<i>.
Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History</i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">(Piero Gleijeses profesor de política exterior de los
Estados Unidos en la Universidad norteamericana Johns Hopkins tuvo acceso por
primera vez a documento confidenciales en Rusia, Cuba y los Estados Unidos. Ha
publicado numerosos libros sobre etapas anteriores del conflicto de Cuba y los
Estados Unidos y un libro sobre la intervención norteamericana en la Republica
Dominicana) </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">La sorpresa y el horror que le causó a los norteamericanos el saludo de
Raúl Castro y Obama durante las exequias de Nelson Rolihlahla “Madiba” Mandela
en Sur África, son el resultado de los esfuerzos consciente e inconscientes de
los forjadores de la narrativa norteamericana en los Estados Unidos de
reescribir la historia de la relación de los Estados Unidos con Cuba y el Sur
de África. La diplomacia imperial norteamericana siempre han estado
representada en un ropaje moral en donde los EUA representan el bien frente al
mal en un mundo maniqueo. Para lograr esto, como describió Noam Chomski, las
capas altas de la sociedad capitalista controlan los medios de producir ideas,
visiones de mundo y contribuyen a determinar lo que muchos consideran normal.
Usualmente, con sus excepciones, los medios de comunicación y distribución de
información proveen los marcos de referencia los cuales son utilizados por
grandes sectores de la población para encontrarle sentido a la realidad. La
realidad y las narrativas históricas son aceptada por las grandes mayoría si
encajan con su visión de mundo y de lo que es razonable dentro de una realidad
histórica concreta. Esto se logra, no solo con información sino también con la
falta de información. Hay veces que la ausencia tiene más poder formativo que
la misma presencia de información. Como decía el Pan Africanista Steve Biko
parafraseando a Franz Fannon, “la mente del oprimido es el arma más poderosa de
los opresores.” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>El consentimiento a la
opresión es producto de la falta de una narrativa histórica que contradiga la
propaganda diseminada de los medios de información. Es por esta razón que los
imperios modernos borran la historia de las poblaciones conquistadas para que
no tengan los recursos que la memoria colectiva le provee a grupos oprimidos
para retar la distorsión creada por las instituciones imperiales. No es una
coincidencia que la primera revolución en las Américas, luego de la
norteamericana, se diera en Haití en 1791. Las fuerza Haitianas que derrotaron
a las fuerzas francesas de napoleón Bonaparte, estaban mayormente conformado de
Africanos que habían nacido en África y quienes estaban aún inmersos en sus
culturas étnicas particularmente en sus culturas guerreras y religiosas. Esa
historia por ejemplo ha sido escondida y borrada de las narrativas a las que
tienen acceso la mayoría de los norteamericanos como muy bien has descrito el
antropólogo Haitiano Michel-Rolph Troillot.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>El desconocimiento de esta y otras historias tiene dos funciones:
primero, contribuye a afirmar y reproducir la falta de un sentido de poder de
los oprimidos a la vez que permite la exaltación del opresor, segundo, parafraseando
al historiador radical norteamericano Howard Zinn, evita que esas memorias permitan
la revuelta que está a flor de piel.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;"> Es impresionante
que a pesar de la obsesión norteamericana contra la revolución Cubana, obsesión
que aqueja a la cultura popular y diplomática norteamericana, el rol
independiente de los cubanos en la liberación de África pasó casi desapercibido
excepto en los sectores de la diplomacia e inteligencia norteamericana.
Gleijeses revela que a pesar de que sectores de la inteligencia norteamericana
sabían que Cuba no era una marioneta soviética, públicamente esa era la visión
que se representaba en el mundo de la política y los medios estadounidenses. Los
cubanos empezaron su rol internacionalista en África temprano en los 1960s. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>La Unión Soviética no apoyaba estas acciones
de los cubanos y de hecho Raúl Castro, jefe de las FAR pensaba que “si ellos
(URSS) nos dieran consejos estarían interviniendo en nuestros asuntos
internos.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Este sentido de independencia
de los cubanos fue fortalecido por la acción de la Unión Soviética durante la
crisis de los misiles en octubre 1962 cuando negoció a espaldas de los cubanos
y accedió a retirar los misiles soviéticos sin consultar con el gobierno
revolucionario. Ya la determinación de desarrollar una política internacional
distinta de los regímenes burocráticos socialistas de Europa tuvo su prueba
cuando Angola se preparó a constituir un estado independiente luego del colapso
de la dictadura portuguesa durante la rebelión de los militares en Portugal
contra el régimen fascista.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Angola, un país de 6 millones de habitantes con una población de 320,000
blancos libraba una cruenta lucha de liberación contra Portugal desde el 1961.
La revolución militar del Movimiento de las Fuerzas Armada (MFA) portuguesas en
1975 derrocó al gobierno “Nuevo Estado” fascista que era el gobierno
dictatorial más antiguo de Europa y quien mantenía su imperio a través de una
cruenta represión en las colonias y en la nación. La revolución de los
“Claveles” llevó al desmantelamiento de la guerra colonial portuguesa y al
inicio de la descolonización en Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique y Angola entre otras
colonias portuguesas. En el caso de Angola, rica en petróleo gracias al enclave
de Cabinda, la retirada de los ejércitos portugueses y la independencia de
Angola en 1975 fue seguida de una guerra civil entre las guerrillas que habían
conducido la guerra de liberación. Las Fuerzas Nacionales por la Liberación de
Angola (FNLA) dirigida por Roberto Holden, la Unión Nacional Por la
Independencia Total de Angola (UNITA) dirigida por Jonás Savimbi y el
Movimiento Popular por la Liberación de Angola (MPLA) dirigido por Agostinho
Neto se enfrascaron en la primavera en una guerra fratricida. Cada grupo
representaba distintas etnias de la nación angolana pero el MPLA era el más grande
y diverso ya que su plataforma estaba basada en la lucha de clases lo que le
dio más amplitud de apoyo de diversos grupos a través de la nación Angolana. El
MPLA, influenciado por el marxismo también tenía blancos en sus huestes a la
vez que tenían un buen número de cuadros con educación universitaria. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Aprovechando las divisiones entre las fuerza de liberación los Estados
Unidos y Sur África comenzaron a enviar apoyo material a ambos grupos el FNLA
de Holden y UNITA de Savimbi. Los Sur Africanos querían mantener su dominio
regional en Sur África el cual era esencial para mantener el Apartheid.
Pretoria no confiaba en el MPLA de Neto pues sabía que estos apoyaban el
desmantelamiento de los sistemas coloniales y raciales en el cono sur de África
y apoyaban el Congreso Nacional Africano (CNA) dirigido por Nelson
Mándela.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>El MPLA, apoyado por la Unión Soviética
representaba un peligro para la dominación ilegal que Sur África mantenía sobre
Namibia. La Organización de la Naciones Unidas (ONU) había llegado a un acuerdo
para celebrar elecciones en el territorio que anteriormente era controlado por
los alemanes. Este acuerdo fue ignorado por Pretoria a la vez que manipulaba
organizaciones dentro del territorio. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ambos,
el FNLA y UNITA habían logrado acuerdos de coexistencia con Pretoria por lo que
no constituían un reto al sistema de Apartheid. Los norteamericanos, por su
lado, envueltos en la guerra fría seguían la política elaborada el departamento
de estado bajo Henry Kissinger. El objetivo de la política extranjera era la de
evitar que el MPLA subiera al poder aun cuando sabían que el MPLA no iba a
afectar los intereses económicos y estratégicos de los Estados Unidos. El FNLA
era descrito como una organización totalmente corrupta por el Cónsul General de
los Estados Unidos en Luanda, la capital de Angola. Y Jonás Savimbi era un
guerrero sediento de poder dispuesto a sacrificar su gente para lograr sus
objetivos. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">En agosto de 1975 los primeros instructores militares cubanos llegaron a
Angola. Los soviéticos solo ofrecían un tímido apoyo pues no querían afectar
las negociaciones de reducción de armas nucleares con los Estados Unidos (SALT
II) y además desconfiaban de Agostinho Neto el líder del MPLA.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Neto era un intelectual, poeta y muy
independiente a la vez que autoritario. Pero en Septiembre Washington y
Pretoria estaban preocupados porque el MPLA estaba ganando la guerra
civil.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Esto no se debía a la ayuda
militar cubana (aunque habían tropas cubanas en el país), ni a su poderío
militar ya que el FNLA y UNITA estaban mejor equipados por los sur africanos y
norteamericanos. Según el director de la estación de la Agencia Central de
Inteligencia en Luanda el MPLA era más “efectivo, mejor educado, mejor
entrenado y más motivado.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Washington
urgió a Pretoria que interviniera en la guerra civil para cambiar su
curso.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>El 13 de octubre 1975 las Fuerzas
Armadas Sur Africanas invadieron Angola desde Namibia donde estaban sus bases. En
su camino hacia la capital Luanda, las fuerzas del MPLA no pudieron resistir el
avance del ejército más poderoso y mejor equipado de África. Además del apoyo
económico y militar de los Estados Unidos, Pretoria sostenía una relación muy
cercana con el estado de Israel quien también apoyaba a Sur áfrica
políticamente (contactos con los congresistas en los EUA)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>y con equipo militar (que a su vez había
recibido de los EUA).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Neto había pedido
ayuda a Cuba para resistir el ataque Sur Africano (aunque los creadores de los
mitos en los Estados Unidos han escrito que los cubanos llegaron primero y que
los Sur Africanos intervinieron después) y el 4 de Noviembre de 1975 Fidel
Castro envía tropa cubanas a Angola. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Las tropas cubanas aunque inferiores en número (transportar tropas a
través del Atlántico fue una épica histórica para un país pequeño como Cuba)
lograron detener la avanzada militar del ejército sur africano. Según el
historiador oficial Sur Africano de la guerra profesor F. J. du Toit Spies,
“los soldados cubanos raramente se rendían, combatían alegremente hasta la
muerte.” Los Estados Unidos preocupado por los acontecimientos se distanciaron
de Sur África y condenaron la invasión que ellos mismos habían promovido.
Pretoria, aislado internacionalmente, a través de su ministro de defensa criticó
a los Estados Unidos por haberlos conminado a invadir y luego abandonarlos
frente a la opinión pública mundial.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>El
26 de marzo 1976, empujados por las tropas cubanas y estando aislados de la
opinión pública mundial, los sur africanos se retiraron de Angola y regresaron
a sus bases en Namibia. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Como explica Gleijeses, la humillación sufrida por los Estados Unidos y
su subalterno Sur áfrica,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>llevaron a los
portavoces del departamento de estado norteamericano de utilizar el mito de la
guerra fría para representar a Cuba como una marioneta de la política exterior
soviética. De esta forma la derrota no era producto de un pequeño país sino la
responsabilidad de otro poder mundial europeo. Pero, como la Agencia Central de
Inteligencia reveló en el 1981, la operación cubana fue unilateral y realizada
de forma apresurada. Más tarde, aun el mismo Henry Kissinger tuvo que admitir
que el apoyo internacionalista de Cuba no fue forzado por los soviéticos ni fue
hecho para pagar por el apoyo económico y militar de la URSS.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Lo que motivó a los cubanos, en particular a
Fidel Castro era la auto defensa de Cuba y un sentido de misión revolucionaria
de apoyar las luchas de liberación anti imperialistas. Cuba no recibió
beneficios económicos de la gestión, solo prestigio y el agradecimiento de los
países Africanos a los que contribuyó su apoyo a su libertad. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Otro factor que resulta claro de la investigación y evidencia encontrada
por Gleijeses en los centenares de documentos a los que tuvo acceso, es que los
cubanos no eran un ejército mercenario contrario a lo que los propagandistas
norteamericanos y la derecha del exilio cubano han tratado de propagar. Cuba
siempre le ofreció al gobierno de Angola retirar sus tropas cuando así lo
quisieran los Angolanos. De hecho, sorprende saber, a pesar de los mitos
creados por la maquinaria propagandística norteamericana que Cuba no recibió
pago por el rol de las tropas en Angola. De hecho, relata Fidel que en
ocasiones, habían enviado un buque mercante con comida para seis meses y al mes
ya se había terminado porque los cubanos terminaban alimentando también a los
Angolanos. Los cubanos siempre fueron muy cuidadosos de asegurarse que su
participación en la guerra era una de proteger a Angola de la violación de las
fronteras por Sur África y no de intervenir en la guerra civil a favor de uno u
otro bando. Aunque hubo excepciones, los cubanos entrenaban las fuerzas armadas
de Angola (Fuerzas Populares de Angola—FAPLA) pero evitaban participar en
acciones militares de la guerra civil. Esto era la política cubana a pesar de
las muchas presiones de los Angolanos a que participaran en la lucha contra,
particularmente, la UNITA.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Las tropas cubanas
permanecieron en Angola hasta la segunda invasión de Sur África y su
participación fue determinante en la liberación de Namibia y el desplome del
Apartheid en Sur África. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>De hecho, desde
el 1976 hasta el 1978 fueron gradualmente removidas las tropas cubanas, luego
de la primera derrota de Sur África, hasta que solo permanecieron los
instructores militares cubanos. Los Angolanos pidieron que los médicos cubanos
permanecieran dado el pobre estado de la infraestructura de salud de Angola. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">La segunda etapa de la guerra contra Sur África se dio en el 1987 y
termino en 1988 con la victoria Cubana sobre las fuerzas de la Fuerzas De
Defensa Sur Africanas (FDSA).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Entre los
soviéticos y los cubanos existieron serias diferencias sobre estrategia
militar. Por ejemplo, en el 1985 las Fuerzas Armadas Para la Liberación de
Angola (FAPLA) lanzaron una gran ofensiva desde Cuito Cuanavale hasta Mavinga
en la región este del país cerca de la frontera con Namibia, la idea era montar
un ataque a Jamba que era la base militar principal de Jonás Savimbi y UNITA.
Esta ofensiva era promovida por los soviéticos y los Angolanos aceptaron la
estrategia. Era tentador pensar que podrían darle un golpe mortal a las fuerzas
de la UNITA. Los cubanos, sin embargo desde el principio no estuvieron de
acuerdo. El Coronel General Konstantin Kurochkin jefe de las fuerzas soviéticas
había tenido un rol destacado en la guerra en Afganistán por lo que los
Angolanos tomaban muy en serio sus consejos. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Por otro lado el General Polo Cintra Frías, jefe de las fuerzas cubanas
desde el 1983 no estaba de acuerdo con la estrategia de Konstantin y
sostuvieron discusiones en ocasiones acaloradas sobre los méritos de un ataque
a través de Mavinga. Esa área del este estaba casi desierta no tenía ningún
valor económico y además estaba muy cerca de Namibia donde los sur africanos
tenia bases aéreas lo que le daba supremacía aérea en toda la zona. Las FAPLA
no tenían equipo, ni aviones ni baterías anti-aéreas, para repeler un ataque
aéreo. Además, para suplir las tropas era necesario transitar una distancia
larga desde donde los cubanos tenían su línea de defensa. Según los angolanos
Konstantin tenía una perspectiva muy académica basada en su experiencia en la Segunda
Guerra Mundial. Su conocimiento sobre la guerra de guerrillas era limitado.
Konstantin se quejó de Polo en Moscú y La Habana pero Polo, apoyado por Fidel se
mantuvo como dirigente de las fuerzas cubanas hasta el 1986. Durante este
periodo los soviéticos y los cubanos tuvieron que aguantar las acciones
intempestivas del nuevo presidente Angolano Eduardo Dos Santos luego de la
muerte de Nieto en el 1979.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Dos Santos
había comenzado una negociaciones con Washington y Pretoria sin informar a sus
aliados soviéticos y cubanos.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Al final de cuentas los Angolanos, asesorados por los soviéticos
decidieron lanzar una ofensiva contra la base central de UNITA en Jamba a
través de Mavinga en el este de África. Los angolanos fueron persuadidos porque
los soviéticos proveían los materiales de guerra y además <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>la ilusión de poder destruir de un golpe la
base central de la UNITA era bastante seductora para los angolanos. La ofensiva
se llamó Segundo Congreso en honor al congreso del MPLA, pero tal y como habían
advertido los cubanos la acción resulto un desastre para los angolanos.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Los cubanos habían advertido que estos
retiraron sus tropas pues no estaban de acuerdo en participar en una operación
militar que ellos consideraban aventurera e irresponsable.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Los cubanos no querían arriesgar más vidas
cubanas en una acción que consideraban temeraria e incorrecta desde el punto de
vista de estrategia militar. En agosto del 1985 cerca de 6,000 soldados acompañados
de 60 asesores militares soviéticos comenzaron la marcha desde Cuito Cuanavale,
pasando por Mavinga para lograr llegar a Jamba.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Las Fuerzas de Defensa de Sur África (FDSA) utilizaron su fuerza aérea y
la artillería dentro de Angola y atacaron masivamente las FAPLA. El ministro de
defensa sur africano Malan se escudó de la realidad que las FDSA estaban dentro
de Angola diciendo que meramente habían estado persiguiendo las fuerzas de la
organización guerrillera de Namibia, la Organización Africana del Pueblo del
Sur Oeste (SWAPO) del patriota Namibio Sam Nujoma. Luego, Malan informó a la
prensa que de hecho estaban ayudando a las fuerzas de Jonás Savimbi (UNITA).
Esto hizo oficial la intervención de Sur África en la guerra civil de Angola. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A pesar de la admisión de Malan, Jonás
Savimbi, en una conferencia de prensa alego que “ni un soldado sur africano
está envuelto en Mavinga.” Savimbi en una conferencia de prensa exhibió a un
piloto angolano el cual le dijo a la prensa que los sur africanos no estuvieron
envueltos en la batalla. Además, soldados de UNITA se tomaron fotos posando
frente a equipo angolano destrozado asumiendo poses de héroes.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Debido a que Namibia, ocupada por Sur África, estaba bajo la supervisión
de la ONU habían resoluciones que demandaban que Sur África <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>permitiera elecciones para decidir su destino,
pero los sur africanos manipulaban la opinión pública internacional con el
concurso de los Estados Unidos e Israel. A pesar de que la Organización
Africana del Pueblo del Sur Oeste (SWAPO) era reconocida por la Organización de
las Naciones Unidas como un movimiento liberador, las FDSA, conducían ataques
militares para destrozar sus bases militares dondequiera que estuvieran. El
consejo de seguridad de la ONU aprobó una medida criticando a Sur África pero
los Estados Unidos se abstuvieron de votar a favor de una sección de la
resolución donde les pedían a los miembros de la ONU que ayudaran a reforzar
militarmente a Angola contra la intervención de Sur África. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Las tropas de la FAPLA fueron derrotadas y forzadas eventualmente ser rescatadas
por otra brigada angolana y luego como sugerían los cubanos se retiraron hasta
Cuito Cuanavale. Los soviéticos no permitieron que su fuerza aérea defendiera a
los angolanos pero enviaron helicópteros para rescatar a los asesores
soviéticos. La fuerza aérea cubana, muy lejos del escenario de guerra solo pudo
defender a los angolanos por limitado tiempo ya que la distancia solo le dejaba
poco combustible para contraatacar. A pesar de la situación precaria los
asesores soviéticos aun sugerían que después de recibir los pertrechos las
brigadas angolanas debían de resumir el ataque. Los cubanos sugirieron que se
retiraran hasta Cuito Cuanavale y que dejaran gran parte del equipo para
aligerar su movilización y así sucedió.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Los soviéticos,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>posteriormente entendieron
que no había alternativa y prometieron enviar más equipo al ejército de Angola
incluyendo baterías anti-aéreas. Los cubanos y la Agencia Central de
Inteligencia estuvieron de acuerdo en caracterizar el esfuerzo de las FAPLA
como evidencia de cómo las fuerzas habían mejorado su efectividad. La
supremacía aérea sur africana determinó la conclusión final de esta etapa de
guerra. Más de 2,000 angolanos de los 6,000 que participaron en esta batalla
perecieron. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Es interesante como en muchas ocasiones los cubanos, incluyendo a Fidel
Castro, trataron de explicarles a los soviéticos lo errado de su estrategia.
Los soviéticos querían crear un ejército convencional para lidiar en una guerra
de guerrillas. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Esto resultó en que había
dos ejércitos, uno convencional bien equipado pero sin estar desarrollando
experiencia en los campos de batalla y otro ejército mal equipado luchando la
guerra una guerra convencional contra la guerrilla de UNITA. En una reunión que
el nuevo ministro soviético de asuntos extranjeros Shevardnadze en La Habana,
Castro le explicó a Shevardnadze lo erróneo de la estrategia militar soviética
que había conducido a la debacle en Mavinga.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Fidel Castro le dijo a Shevardnadze que no fue la UNITA la que derrotó a
la FAPLA sino que fue la fuerza aérea de las FDSA. Continuó explicando que era
necesario crear la fuerza y los recursos para enfrentar al poderío sur
africano. Para eso era necesario que los soviéticos les proveyeran más Migs 25
y 29 a los cubanos para cambiar la correlación de fuerzas. Estas conversaciones
fueron seguidas por conversaciones entre los militares cubanos Ulises Rosales y
otros incluyendo a Jorge Risquet donde claramente explicaron la necesidad de
apertrechar la fuerza aérea cubana.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">La Segunda Etapa: 1986-88</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Al final del 1986, y a pesar de la derrota de Mavinga los soviéticos aun
deseaban una ofensiva masiva contra la UNITA. Konstantin, el enviado del
secretario de defensa soviético Sergey Sokolov le dijo a Fidel Castro en una
reunión en Luanda, Angola que ellos querían una ofensiva y que le iban a
proveer los recursos necesarios (baterías anti aéreas etc.) a los angolanos
para resistir la fuerza aérea de la FDSA. Castro no quería que se enfrascaran
en una batalla en el este donde estaba la base de UNITA en Jamba, sino en el
suroeste para enfrentarse al ejército sur africano. Castro había dicho que el
objetivo no debía ser Namibia sino el apartheid. Los soviéticos seguían en su
posición preocupados por sus relaciones con los Estados Unidos. Los cubanos
siempre fueron persistentes en sus diálogos con los soviéticos al punto que
algunos de los jefes militares soviéticos se sentían “irritados” por la
persistencia cubana.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">La intervención militar de la Unión Soviética en Afganistán, los cambios
que empezaban a darse al interior de la URSS, la preocupación de los Soviéticos
por sus relaciones con los Estados Unidos (la economía soviética estaba en
crisis) y la falta de experiencia de los estrategas militares rusos (comparado
a los cubanos) limitó e impidió una ayuda más consistente y eficaz al conflicto
en Angola. Después del malogrado ataque a Mavinga que los cubanos no habían apoyado
por considerarlo aventurero, las FAPLA estuvieron en una mala situación cuando
se replegaron a Cuito Cuanavale. Cuito Cuanavale no era una gran ciudad era una
pequeña aldea con un aeropuerto pequeño y en malas condiciones. La 8va brigada
del FAPLA que escoltaba un convoy de municiones y comida para Cuito Cuanavale
fue intensamente atacado por la fuerza aérea sur africana quien aún controlaba
el espacio aéreo.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Cuando arribaron a
Cuito al final del 1987 estaban tan desmoralizados que los asesores soviéticos
hacían planes para evacuar a sus asesores. En Diciembre 1987 llegaron los
primeros refuerzos cubanos 106 fuerzas especiales y 15 oficiales quienes de
inmediato comenzaron a reorganizar las tropas angolanas contribuyendo a
levantar la moral de los combatientes. Para enero del 1988 ya había 1,500
soldados cubanos. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">El mes de noviembre 1987, Fidel Castro había decidido lanzar la Maniobra
XXXI aniversario para cambiar el curso de la guerra en Angola. Cuba había construido
un aeropuerto en Menongue que le permitía a la fuerza aérea cubana estar más
cerca del escenario de batalla.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Aun
cuando los pertrechos que los soviéticos habían prometido no habían llegado,
Fidel decidió que enviaría los mejores pertrechos, baterías anti aéreas,
pilotos y aviones con los que Cuba contaba. Los sur africanos pensaban que el
tiempo les favorecía pero esta movilización cubana cambio el escenario de la
guerra en Angola. La ruta desde Menongue hasta Cuito era la única vía para
abastecer a las tropas en Cuito y ahora con la supremacía aérea cubana la vía
de comunicación estaba asegurada. Como los MIGS cubanos protegían el área la
artillería poderosa<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>sur africana no
podía atacar ya que se convertían en un blanco de la muy efectiva fuerza aérea
que Cuba se había desplegado en el sur de Angola. Desde diciembre las Fuerzas
de la Defensa Surafricana (SADF) había declarado en un informe que los Cubanos
tenia supremacía aérea. Aunque Gleijeses tuvo acceso a muchos documentos
desclasificados de Sur África aún no han desclasificado documentos relacionados
con este periodo. Los SADF a través del director de operaciones en Pretoria
alegaban que solo tenían 5,000 hombres desplegados en el área. Luego del
fracaso de la campaña dijeron que solo había 3,000 soldados envueltos en los
conflictos. Comoquiera eran las fuerzas convencionales más grandes que los SADF
habían utilizado en el conflicto. La falta de una victoria en Cuito Cuanavale
estaba afectando la moral de las tropas sur africanas. Otro asunto
desmoralizador era, de acuerdo con el Coronel Fred Rindle, el agregado militar
de la embajada sur africana en Washington D.C., la perdida de los “muchachos
blancos” estaba poniéndose insostenible políticamente. Las fuerzas del SADF
utilizaban oficiales blancos y algunas tropas de sur africanos negros pero era
la perdida de los blancos lo que preocupaba a Pretoria. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Mientras tanto la moral de los
angolanos y los cubanos estaba muy altas. En una entrevista que realizo el
London Times un combatiente internacionalista cubano Ernesto Garcia Ramirez le
decía al periodista Jan Raath “contaba los días para estar de regreso en
Santiago de Cuba con su esposa y dos hijos” Pero añadió que “estaremos aquí
cuanto sea necesario pues esta es una causa justa.” La situación había mejorado
tanto para los cubanos y angolanos que el “U.S. Joint Chief of Staff” determino
que la situación para los sur africanos era difícil y que la superioridad aérea
de los cubanos era palpable y que se notaba la ausencia de la fuerza aérea de
SADF. Las fuerzas armadas de Sur África concluyeron lo mismo en un informe. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Aunque no hubo una batalla final en Cuito Cuanavale la derrota de Sur África
tuvo un poder simbólico para los africanos. Primero, la victoria cubana y su
supremacía aérea y segundo, la victoria defensiva de los cubanos y angolanos
manteniendo los sur africanos fuera de su área de control constituyeron
victoria psicológica para ellos y desmoralización para las SADF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>El significado simbólico fue mejor descritos
por las palabras de Nelson Mandela el esfuerzo cubano “destruyo el mito de la
invencibilidad del opresor blanco... (Y) inspiró a las masa africanas en lucha
en Sur África…Cuito Cuanavale fue el punto de viraje para la liberación de
nuestro continente---y de mi pueblo---de la plaga del Apartheid.” </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Pero fue la actividad militar de Cuba en el oeste del país lo que
intimidó a los sur africanos ya que la incertidumbre sobre si los cubanos
tenían intenciones de invadir a Namibia donde los sur africanos tenían sus
bases militares. Esta invasión no hubiera podido ser detenida ya que los
cubanos habían movilizado decenas de miles de combatientes equipo y ya era
tropas con experiencia y motivación. Se calcula que los cubanos tenían 40,000
tropas listas para la acción de ser necesario. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Eventualmente la lucha popular dentro de Namibia, la presión militar de
Cuba y luego de la SWAPO de Sam Nujoma llevó a que las fuerzas de Sur África
dejaran el país. Aun el conservador <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Washington
Times</i> llegó a esta evaluación.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pero
aun a estas alturas el imperio quería re-escribir la historia y borrar de la
memoria colectiva esta derrota del imperialismo. En un discurso de Ronald
Reagan en la Universidad de Virginia dijo que “la retirada de 50,000 efectivos
cubanos de Angola fue el resultado de la intervención norteamericana y el
segundo revés militar de Cuba desde la invasión norteamericana de Grenada en el
1983.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>El ministro de relaciones
extranjeras de Cuba Isidoro Malmierca respondió “La historia establecerá… el
verdadero significado del marco de los acuerdos que han sido firmado
independientemente de las mentiras y distorsiones que podemos esperar.” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">El 25 de mayo de 1991 el último grupo de tropas cubanas llegaron a La
Habana donde recibieron un recibimiento de héroes. El legado del esfuerzo
cubano legó una Namibia libre, en las elecciones el partido de San Nujoma SWAPO
gano 57.3 por ciento mientras que los opositores del pro-sur africano Partido Alianza
Turnhalle perdió con 28.6 por ciento. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>También
aseguró la independencia de Angola ya que en las elecciones del 1992 las
fuerzas angolanas de la UNITA bajo Jonás Savimbi fueron derrotadas. MPLA
recibió el 53.74 de los votos mientras que UNITA solo recibió el 34.10 por
ciento. Luego Savimbi perdió el apoyo norteamericano y luego de otro limitado
conflicto militar iniciado por Savimbi al no aceptar el resultado de las
elecciones perdió su escasa influencia. Savimbi murió de causas naturales en el
2002. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Piero Gleijeses trata de elucidar cual fue la motivación de los cubanos
y Fidel para embarcarse en un conflicto tan riesgoso como el de Angola.
Encontró que la inteligencia norteamericana evaluó correctamente, ya que según
el director de la Junta<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Nacional de
estimados de la Agencia Central de Inteligencia en el 1963 dijeron que Castro
“es primero que todo un revolucionario.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Henry Kissinger por otro lado dijo que Castro había enviado la tropas a
Cuba porque era probablemente el más genuino revolucionario en el poder.”
Castro “le da particular importancia a mantener una política extrajera con
integridad y principios.” No es que la “política no tenga contradicciones…pero
en cuestiones de importancia básica como el derecho y el deber de apoyar
movimientos nacionalistas revolucionarios y gobiernos amigos en el tercer
mundo, Castro no permite transar por ventajearías económicas o políticas.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Pocos conocen la magnitud del esfuerzo cubano, pero en el Mural de la
Libertad en Sur África los únicos nombres de combatientes extranjeros son los
nombres de los internacionalistas cubanos y cubanas que ofrendaron su sangre
por la libertad en Angola. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
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Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-53027398888490641162014-06-21T09:18:00.000-07:002014-06-21T09:18:05.091-07:00Cuba in Africa: A Forgotten History <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Cuba in Africa: A Forgotten History </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Victor M. Rodriguez, Professor,
California State University, Long Beach (Author: <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Latino Politics in the United States: Race, Ethnicity, Class and Gender
in the Mexican American and Puerto Rican Experience</i>. Kendall-Hunt, 2012.)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">Piero Gleijeses<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Visions of Freedom: Havana, Washington,
Pretoria, and the Struggle for Southern Africa, 1976-1991</i>. 736 pp. (</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The University of North Carolina Press, 2013)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">During the
funeral of Nelson Mandela in South Africa, members of the United States press
were surprised when President Obama was photographed shaking the hand of Cuba’s
President Raul Castro. The handshake which was purely formal and ceremonial did
not have any meaning beyond what the protocol for such occasions demands. In
2000 President Bill Clinton shook the hand of President Fidel Castro which also
led to all sorts of idle speculation about the meaning of that gesture.
Unfortunately, there is a blind spot in the U.S. media and a terrible lack of
understanding of the context of the historical relationship between the United
States and Cuba. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Recently,
the premier Cuba-American historian Louis Perez, from the<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>University of Carolina, Chapel Hill penned an
essay entitled “Cuba as An Obsessive Compulsive Disorder” in order to explain why
after 55 years very little rapprochement has been achieved between the United
States empire and a small nation like Cuba. During eleven presidential
administrations, both Democrat and Republicans have maintained tense relations
with a small neighbor which is 90 miles from Key West, Florida. Perez says “</span><i><span style="font-family: "TimesNewRoman,Italic","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "TimesNewRoman\,Italic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">New York Times </span></i><span style="font-family: "TimesNewRoman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRoman; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">foreign affairs editor
Thomas Friedman was correct to suggest in 1999 that the U.S. position on Cuba
was “not really a policy. It’s an </span><i><span style="font-family: "TimesNewRoman,Italic","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: "TimesNewRoman\,Italic"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">attitude</span></i><span style="font-family: "TimesNewRoman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRoman; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">–a blind hunger for
revenge against Mr. Castro.” But in addition to the social psychological
reasons for the attitude and the never ending efforts to punish a country for
its brash leadership, it is a policy that is rooted in the political lobbying
of the Cuban exile community in the backdrop of a nation that is uninformed
about its conflictive, long standing historical relationship with Cuba. Cuba is
like the child whose parents have placed high hopes in but who then turned away
from its parents and chose a different path in life that has scandalized the
parents. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="font-family: "TimesNewRoman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRoman; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>One of those historical stages where the self-image of
the United States as the embodiment of what is moral and just was challenged,
unbeknownst to the United States public, was the war in South Africa in the
1970s. This war was the platform for the rise of Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela into
the global stage and which propelled the independence of Namibia and secured
Angola’s sovereignty. Given our mythology that the United States is always on
the side of truth and justice, the “shining city on the hill,” this counter
narrative does not fit the self-image of the U.S. so it is ignored, and worst
erased. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="font-family: "TimesNewRoman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRoman; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-themecolor: text1;">It may be for this reason that sometimes the
best critical reflections about the culture and history of the United States
have been provided by foreigners. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Democracy
in America</i> by Alexis de Tocqueville and <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Society
in America</i> by Harriet Martineau are probably two of the best social
analysis of the society being developed during the first decades of the 19<sup>th</sup>
century. One French and the other British provided insights into that
contradictory democratic society that was developing and whose basic features
continue, albeit in different form even today. Piero Gleijeses’ book, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Visions of Freedom</i> provides a mirror
that allows Americans, Cubans (and Russians) to see another reflection of their
true self in the context of their foreign policy tussle in Africa.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Gleijeses, who with his previous book </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Conflicting-Missions-Havana-Washington-1959-1976/dp/0807854646/ref=sr_1_3?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1401473673&sr=1-3&keywords=piero+gleijeses"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Conflicting
Missions: Havana, Washington, and Africa, 1959-1976</span></i></a><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-themecolor: text1;"> </span></i><span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-themecolor: text1;">has written probably the most
comprehensive, well researched work on the role of Cubans in the liberation
wars in South Africa. He also provides an in depth look at the twists and turns
of Cuban-US-Russian foreign policy in the context of Africa’s anti-colonial and
later anti-imperialist struggle. In this book, we not only learn about the U.S.
and the Soviet Union through their foreign policy we also learn something about
Cuba, its leadership and values. </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The nuances that Gleijeses provides of this period are
informed by his unique access to Cuban archives, for the first time (although
not all the information was available), to Russian archives and U.S.
declassified information. He also was able to interview or include interviews
from other sources of many of the principal actors involved in the war in South
Africa. He describes with details the politics and negotiations that resulted
in the creation of Namibia as a sovereign nation, the establishment of Angola
and the weakening of the apartheid forces in South Africa. This process led to
the consequent victory of the African National Council and the election of
Nelson Mandela as the first black African president of the Republic of South
Africa in 1994. Gleijeses had access to 15,400 documents from the Cuban
archives (the only foreign scholar given access to these archives) and notes of
conversations that Fidel Castro had with political leaders like Mikhail
Gorbachev, and Angolan Presidents Agostinho Neto and José Eduardo dos Santos.
He also interviewed 150 participants in this history. In addition, he used
documents he was able to access from South African archives, Yugoslavia, the former
German Democratic Republic (GDR), the former Soviet Union, Poland, Britain,
France, Italy, Zambia, Angola and Canada. This is probably the most extensive
investigation of this period and its revelations challenge many myths about the
official role of the United States, the Soviet Union and Cuba. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>In U.S. popular culture, the surprise and shock that the
presence of President Raul Castro (who was the Chief of the Cuban Revolutionary
Army during the war) had in the U.S. media was an outcome of how hidden this
history was from most Americans, including many historians.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The U.S. intelligence community, however,
knew very well what was going on but was also mindful of public opinion in the
ways that it shared public information and managed its policy in the midst of
the wars in Africa. One of the most important myths that is shattered by this
work is the pervasive and long-held idea that the U.S. media has perpetuated is
that Cuba was a complete subordinate of Russian foreign policy. In fact, Cuba’s
independent role in Africa began early in the 1960s without the support
(sometimes against the advice) of the Soviet Union. Raul Castro is quoted by
Gleijeses “…if they (URSS) gave us advice they would be intervening in our
internal affairs.” This sense of independence was reinforced during the 1962
missile crisis when the Soviet Union negotiated behind the back of Cuba and
agreed to withdraw the nuclear missiles from Cuba. These missiles had been
requested by both Fidel and Raul and were not an imposition of the USSR. This
determination to build an independent foreign policy was clear when Angola was
preparing itself to build a sovereign nation after the collapse of the
Portuguese fascist dictatorship and its African empire in the 1970s. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Angola
had been fighting the Portuguese since 1961, it was the richest Portuguese
colony and had the enclave of Cabinda with large oil resources. It had a
population of six million, 320,000 were white. When the left wing Movement of
the Armed Forces (MFA) in Portugal overthrew dictators Marcelo Caetano in the
Carnation Revolution the Portuguese African Empire began to collapse. When the
Portuguese troops abandoned Angola in 1975 a civil war ensued between three
liberation movements that had been fighting against the Portuguese colonial
forces. The Forces for National Liberation of Angola (FNLA) led by Robert
Holden financed in part by the U.S.; the National Union for the Total
Independence of Angola (UNITA) led by Jonas Savimbi and financed both by South
Africa and the U.S.; and the leftist Popular Movement for the Liberation of
Angola (MPLA), led by Agostinho Neto, financed by the Soviet Union and later
supported by Cuba. Each grouping represented different ethnic groups within
Angola but the MPLA was the broader organization because it focused on Marxism
and classes not ethnicity, and also included whites in its ranks. Its cadres
also included a good number of college educated members.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>South
Africa began to provide material support and troops to both UNITA and FNLA against
the MPLA because the MPLA had a clear strategy that supported the dismantling
of apartheid. Also, the MPLA was providing training and other logistical
support to Nelson Mandela’s ANC and Sam Nujoma’s SWAPO in Namibia. Both the
FNLA and UNITA had reached coexistence agreements with South Africa so they did
not represent a threat to South Africa’s system of apartheid. The United
Nations had reached an agreement that instructed South Africa to conduct
elections in Namibia which was a protectorate of South Africa. The former
German colony (South West Africa) had been annexed by South Africa after
defeating the German forces occupying the territory. The League of Nations in
1915 granted the South African Union a mandate over the territory. But, the
agreement with the United Nations, which entailed elections for a free Namibia
was ignored by South Africa. In the meantime, the forces of the South West
Africa People’s Organization (SWAPO) under Sam Nujoma fought to liberate
Namibia. Angola and Cuba also supported SWAPO with training and some resources.
</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Because of the Cold War, Secretary Henry Kissinger foreign
policy under President Ronald Reagan was focused at placing obstacles to the
MPLA. Although they did not constitute any challenge to U.S. economic or political
interests in Angola or South Africa. In the archives Gleijeses found a document
where the General Consul of the United States in Luanda, Angola, termed the
FNLA, as a corrupt organization. They also described Jonas Savimbi of UNITA as
a charismatic leader but one whose thirst for power led him to sacrifice his
own people in order to achieve his objectives. The British ambassador in Luanda
described Savimbi as: “a monster whose lust for power had brought appalling
misery to his people.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Soviet Union and Angola</span></u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>In
1975, the first Cuban military instructors arrived in Angola. The Soviets just
offered tepid support to the Angolans because the USSR was involved in arms
reduction negotiations with the U.S. (SALT II) and they also distrusted Agostinho
Neto the MPLA leader. Neto, contrasted with the other Angolan leaders was an
intellectual, a poet and very independent. He also was very authoritarian. In
September 1975, Washington was worried because the MPLA was winning the civil
war. Their strong position was not due to the Cuban support (which still had
few troops in Angola) or to the strength of its forces. In fact, the FNLA and
UNITA, had better equipment thanks to South Africa and the United States. But,
according to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) station director in Luanda
the MPLA was more “effective, better educated, and better trained and more
motivated…” than the others.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> The United States was
concerned with the effectiveness of the MPLA and urged Pretoria to intervene in
the Civil War on behalf of the FNLA and UNITA.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>On October 13 1975, the South African Defense Forces (SADF) invaded
Angola from their bases in Namibia. On their way to the Angolan capital Luanda
the MPLA forces were unable to detain the better equipped and powerful
SADF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In addition to the military and
economic support of the United States, South Africa had a very close
relationship with the state of Israel who provided military equipment (some
evidence indicates they may have provided nuclear technology) and logistical
and political support from Israel congressional supporters in the U.S. Neto,
concerned with military developments requested help from Cuba besides military
instructors. Contrary to myths perpetuated by the U.S. media the SADF
intervened first prompting and expanding the Cuban military support. On
November 4, 1975 Fidel Castro sent Cuban troops to Angola. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The
transportation of Cuban troops to Angola was an epic since they could not count
with Soviet naval transports for the long haul across the Atlantic Ocean.
Although the Cuban troops were inferior in numbers (36,000) or equipment to the
SADF they were able to stop the South African offensive. According to the
official South African war historian, Professor F.J. du Toit Spies “the Cuban
soldiers rarely surrender, they struggle happily until they die.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The U.S. concerned with the developments in
the civil war began to distance themselves from South African actions and
condemned the invasion they themselves had provoked. Pretoria, finding itself
isolated internationally, its defense minister criticized the U.S. for having
urged them to invade and then abandoning them to face on their own the
international public opinion. On March 26, pushed by the Cuban troops and being
isolated internationally the SADF retreated back into Namibia.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In Angola this led to the election of
Agostinho Neto as the first president of Angola now a sovereign nation. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The
Second Stage of the Cuban War of Liberation, 1976-1988</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Although the SADF retreated from Angola, the forces
of Jonas Savimbi continued their guerrilla attacks on the Armed Forces for the
Liberation of Angola (FAPLA) of Agostinho Neto. The bulk of the Cuban troops
had returned to Cuba and only military instructors and medical brigades were
left to aid Angola. While Cuban military advisers trained the FAPLA they
avoided becoming involved in the Civil War. While there were exceptions to this
rule the Cubans resisted the MPLA’s pressure to have its forces engage with the
Savimbi forces, they felt they should not intervene in internal struggles. They
were, however more ready to engage the South African forces whenever they
attempted against the integrity of Angola. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The US
was embarrassed by the defeat of the South African Defense Forces, this led to
the spokespersons of the Department of Defense to use the Cold War myth that
Cuba was a puppet of the Soviet Union’s foreign policy. By arguing the
subaltern role of Cuba the defeat was not a product of a small country against
a super power but the outcome of another superpower’s role. But, like the
Central Intelligence Agency revealed in 1981 the Cuban operation was a
unilateral effort and one that was accomplished very fast. Later, Henry
Kissinger had to acknowledge that the internationalist support for Angola by Cuba
was not forced by the Soviets, nor was it as a way of paying the Soviets for
their financial and material support.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>What motivated the Cubans, and particularly Fidel Castro was the
self-defense of Cuba and a sense of revolutionary mission which led to the need
to support anti-imperialist wars of liberation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Cuba, did not receive any economic benefits from this mission, it
received prestige and the appreciation of the African countries they supported.
</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>In the
documentation accessed by Gleijeses it was clear that the Cubans were not a
mercenary army as the US spokespersons and the Cuban exiles in Miami were
alleging. In fact, Cuba offered on many occasion to retire its troops from
Angola whenever the Angolans so desired. On one occasion Fidel Castro said that
a merchant ship with a three months’ supply of food for the Cuban troops.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>However, because they shared their resources
with the Angolans the food had been depleted after a month. From 1976 through
1978 most of the Cuban combat troops had been removed, only military advisors
and medical personnel remained.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>This
final stage of the war took place from 1987 until 1988. The Cuban forces again
defeated the SADF who had again invaded Angola in support of the UNITA forces.
This final defeat of South Africa and UNITA was preceded by large strategic
differences between the Cubans and the Soviets. In 1985, the FAPLA led a large
offensive against Cuito Cuanavale all the way into a small village called
Mavinga in the eastern part of Angola close to the border with Namibia. The
SADF had its principal military bases in northern Angola where they could
support the forces of Jonas Savimbi who had his headquarters in Jamba in the
same region. The Angolan offensive was hoping to reach Jamba which was the
central headquarters of UNITA, a tactical move that was promoted by the soviet
military advisors. It was a very tempting proposition for the Angolans to be
able to mortally defeat the UNITA forces. The Cubans did not agree with this
strategy but the Angolans took the soviet Coronel General Konstantin Kurochkin
very seriously because he had ha a leading role in the war in Afghanistan. The
Cuban general, Polo Cintra Frias, chief of the Cuban armed forces was in
complete disagreement with that tactic. The SADF had a superior air power and
the region was close to the South African air force bases in northern Namibia.
The FAPLA also did not have any robust antiaircraft batteries or an air force.
Konstantin was steeped in WWII military tactics but was not a guerrilla war strategist.
He wanted to fight a conventional war without the resources to face the SADF.
Konstantin in fact complained to Fidel Castro about Polo Cintra Frias, but
Fidel Castro trusted his general and he remained as the chief of the Cuban
armed forces in Angola.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Things became
complicated by Agostinho Neto’s death in 1979 and the rise of the new leader of
Angola Eduardo Dos Santos, he was more reckless and began to engage in
negotiations with Washington and Pretoria behind Cuba’s backs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The
FAPLA followed the advice of the soviets and tried to reach Jamba, as the
Cubans predicted were thoroughly defeated. The FAPLA retreated to Cuito
Cuanavale, the soviets did not allow its air force to provide air support to
the Angolans but did send helicopters to retrieve their military advisors.
Close to 2,000 of the 6,000 FAPLA troops were killed. The reason for their
defeat were not the UNITA troops but the SADF air force. In a visit of Soviet
Foreign Minister Shevardnadze to Havana Fidel Castro explained to him that it
was precisely the South African air force who had defeated the Angolans, not
UNITA. Fidel Castro requested MIGs 25 and 29s from the Soviet Union to change
the correlation of power in the area. But, Fidel Castro did not wait for the
arrival of the Soviet aircraft.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>On
November 1987, Fidel Castro decided to launch the XXXI Anniversary Offensive in
order to change the course of the war in Angola. The Cubans had built an
airport in Menongue which was close to the battleground. Although they had not
received the weapons and airplanes they had requested Fidel Castro took a risk
of sending the most modern equipment they had in Cuba to Angola. Anti-Aircraft
batteries, combat airplanes, and the best pilots which eventually gave air
supremacy to the Cubans and allowed the provisioning of the trapped Angolan
troops in Cuito Cuanavale.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>From
December, SADF documents indicated, that the Cubans were control of the air
space in the region. The South Africans had been hoping for a victory in Cuito
Cuanavale and its elusiveness impacted the morale of the South African troops.
Another demoralizing fact was, according to Coronel Fred Rindle, the military
attaché of the South African embassy in Washington D.C., the loss of the “white
boys” was becoming politically unsustainable.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The moral
of the Cuban and Angolan troops was very high, in a London Times interview, and
internationalist Cuban combatant Ernesto Garcia is quoted by journalist Jan
Raath saying” “I was counting the days for my return to Santiago de Cuba with
my wife and two children” but he added “we will be here as long as it is
necessary because this is a just cause.” While there was no final and
conclusive battle in Cuito Cuanavale de South African defeat had a powerful
symbolic value. First, the air supremacy obtained by the Cuban air force and
the defensive victory of Cubans and Angolans maintaining the SADF outside of
their area of control. The symbolic significance of this victory was described
by Nelson Mandela “the myth of the invincibility of white oppressor was
shattered….(And) the African masses were inspired in their struggle in South
Africa…Cuito Cuanavale was a turning point in the liberation struggle in our
continent…and my people…from the plague of Apartheid.” The CIA earlier had reported:
“Cuba’s successful use of air power and the apparent weakness of Pretoria’s air
defenses . . . illustrate the dilemma Pretoria faces in confronting the Cuban
challenge. South African forces can inflict serious damage on selected
Cuban-Angolan units, but Cuba retains advantages, particularly in air defenses
and the number of aircraft and troops.” “Among South African whites, the SADF’s
aura of invincibility was tarnished.” Business Day warned.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although the South Africans wanted to time
the SADF withdrawal with Cuban withdrawal Washington Times said that “the South
Africans decided to withdraw from Angola after recognizing that the Cuban
buildup had changed the power balance in the southern part of the country,
leaving South African troops vulnerable.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The SADF
military chiefs had to admit their defeat, “In South Africa Defense Minister
Malan shared with his generals ‘“his grave misgivings . . . about the erroneous
impressions prevalent . . . among large sectors of South Africa’s population,
who thought that, for example, ‘The SADF got a bloody nose at Cuito Cuanavale,’
‘The SADF no longer has air superiority and therefore cannot win the war,’ and
‘The SADF is no longer the strongest armed force in Africa.’”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>The Cubans
also had 40,000 troops in the west part of Angola ready for action if the SADF
attacked. Although Ronald Reagan south to re-write the history of the conflict
when he said at the University of Virginia that the “retreat of 50,000 Cuban
troops from Angola was the result of United States intervention and was the
second defeat of Cuba since the Grenada invasion in 1983.” On May 25 1991 de
last remaining Cuban forces arrived in Havana where they received a hero’s
welcome. The legacy of the Cuban effort was the victory of SWAPO with 57.3% against
38.65 by the Turnhalle Alliance in the Namibian elections, the effort also
assured the independence of Angola when the UNITA forces were defeated (34.10
%) in the electoral process in Angola and when the U.S. withdrew its support
for UNITA. Jonas Savimbi died of natural causes in 2002.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Finally,
just like the Central Intelligence Agency’s board of national estimates had
said in 1963, “Castro is first of all a revolutionary” and Henry Kissinger
added “Castro had sent the troops because he probably was the most genuine
revolutionary in power.” He added “is not that there are no contradictions in
politics …but in matters of basic importance like the right and duty of
supporting nationalist revolutionary movements and friendly governments in the
third world, Castro does not negotiate for political or economic advantages.”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Very few
know the history of the magnitude of the Cuban effort in Africa, but in the
Freedom Mural in South Africa, the only name of foreign combatants are those of
the internationalist Cubans who shed their blood for Africa.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Some references for interested readers:</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Louis Perez. “Cuba as An Obsessive Compulsive Disorder” <a href="http://www.socsci.uci.edu/uc-cuba/webdocs/Cuba_as_an_obsessive_compulsive_disorder.pdf"><span style="color: blue;">http://www.socsci.uci.edu/uc-cuba/webdocs/Cuba_as_an_obsessive_compulsive_disorder.pdf</span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Visions of Freedom: New Documents from the Closed
Cuban Archives</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/visions-freedom-new-documents-the-closed-cuban-archives"><span style="color: blue;">http://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/visions-freedom-new-documents-the-closed-cuban-archives</span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Documentaries about the Period:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">“Cuba: An African Odyssey”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(2007) Jihan El Tahri Producer/Director
Tancrede Ramonet Producer</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Cuba-African-Odyssey-ITVS-International/dp/B0043BWHKI"><span style="color: blue;">http://www.amazon.com/Cuba-African-Odyssey-ITVS-International/dp/B0043BWHKI</span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.itvs.org/films/cuba-an-african-odyssey"><span style="color: blue;">http://www.itvs.org/films/cuba-an-african-odyssey</span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">“Cuba South Africa: After the Battle” Estela Bravo .(1991)</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.estelabravo.com/films/"><span style="color: blue;">http://www.estelabravo.com/films/</span></a></span></div>
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Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-9427794700514436792014-06-03T09:31:00.002-07:002014-06-03T09:31:40.636-07:00The Political Consequences of the “whitening” of Latinos Myth<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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</style>
<![endif]-->
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt;">The Political Consequences of
the “whitening” of Latinos Myth</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%;">Victor M. Rodriguez, Professor,
California State University, Long Beach (Author <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Latino Politics in the United States: Race, Ethnicity, Class and Gender
in the Mexican American and Puerto Rican Experience in the United States</i>.
Kendall-Hunt, 2012) </span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Nate
Cohn in the New York Times opened a racial pandora’s box with his article <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2014/05/22/upshot/more-hispanics-declaring-themselves-white.html"><span style="color: black; mso-style-textfill-fill-alpha: 100.0%; mso-style-textfill-fill-color: black;"><span style="color: black; mso-style-textfill-fill-alpha: 100.0%; mso-style-textfill-fill-color: black;">on the whitening of Latinos.</span></span></a>
He received responses from a number of interested observers of Latino issues.
From LatinoRebels to academics such as Amitai Etzioni, Manuel Pastor and then he
retorted with another article in which kicking and screaming insisted <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2014/06/03/upshot/pinpointing-another-reason-that-more-hispanics-are-identifying-as-white.html?rref=upshot&action=click&module=Search&region=searchResults&mabReward=relbias%3As&url=http%3A%2F%2Fquery.nytimes.com%2Fsearch%2Fsitesearch%2F%3Faction%3Dclick%26region%3DMasthead%26pgtype%3DHomepage%26module%3DSearchSubmit%26contentCollection%3DHomepage%26t%3Dqry318%23%2FHispanics%2F24hours%2F&_r=0"><span style="color: black; mso-style-textfill-fill-alpha: 100.0%; mso-style-textfill-fill-color: black;"><span style="color: black; mso-style-textfill-fill-alpha: 100.0%; mso-style-textfill-fill-color: black;">he was right.</span></span></a> Unfortunately,
the study which was the stage for this debate has not been released. One proposed
nuanced, preliminary understanding of the study by D’Vera Cohn of the PEW
Foundation was lost in the initial barrage of articles. </span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt;">When
an issue which is usually the province of nerdy academics writing for
peer-reviewed journals not read by the public releases this much energy is
because Nate Cohn hit a raw nerve that is at the core of decades of debate
within and without the Latino community about Latino inclusion. This debate,
which began immediately after the end of the Mexican American War in 1846 was
initially fought through isolated acts armed insurrection, through the legal
and illegal expropriation of Mexican Land grants held by wealthy Mexican,
Hispano landowners (including the intermarriage with Anglos which had the same
outcomes). In the end, and some argue that by the 1880s in California, Mexicans
had been neatly positioned in a fuzzy category at the bottom of the United
States’ racial hierarchy but still somewhat in a higher rung than African
Americans. Later, as the Mexican community had changed with immigration from
Mexico, many of whom were recruited by U.S. corporations in mining and
agriculture, the struggle took another political character as an insider group.
Then the strategies were labor/trade union struggles and other activities to
gain civil and human rights. Ironically, after all these years, Latinos are, as
a group, (an important distinction) still in the same spot. Recent data on home
ownership, academic achievement, school expulsions, children in foster care,
racial profiling have African Americans in the bottom experiencing the most
intense discrimination and Latinos somewhere in the middle between whites, and
some Asians groups. </span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Because
of this intermediate position in the racial hierarchy, for years, especially
during the 20<sup>th</sup> century, the first major Latino (mostly Mexican)
advocacy organizations, like the League of United Latin American Citizens
(LULAC) rather than joining with African Americans in challenging the entire
racial structure chose to try to collectively wiggle their way into whiteness.
One individual informal way of doing this was by identifying as “Spanish”
rather than Mexican which was a strongly racialized term. Amėrico Paredes a
Mexican American novelist wrote in his novel <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">George Washington Gomez</i> than in Texas there were wealthy and poor
blacks, but only wealthy Spanish and poor Mexicans. Class has always had a
pivotal role in racial and ethnic identification among Latinos. Other Latinos,
like Puerto Ricans in the northeast the strategy was not that overt, was more
subtle through the self-identification as “Spanish” to establish a difference
from African Americans. Cubans on the other hand strongly identified as
not-black given their social context in the Florida Deep South. The
organization Marti-Maceo, founded in 1899 on Marti’s anti-racist values
eventually became segregated in 1900.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt;">One
aspect of the process of the incorporation or not of Latinos into the
mainstream of the United States (white middle class) is the need to
differentiate between individual racial/class mobility and collective. It is
obvious that some individual lighter skin Latinos have crossed over into
whiteness (some have returned depending on whether it was strategically
advantageous to be Latino). The focus, it seems to me, is what is happening to
Latinos/Hispanics as a collective? </span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt;">Historically,
the “white” strategy has backfired, one not very well known historical event is
the Hernandez v. Texas case decided by the Supreme Court. Since Mexicans were
legally considered white (not socially) Mr. Hernandez was accused of murder and
was judged by a jury of his peers. Since Mexicans were legally white his jury
was entirely white. He of course was found guilty and sentenced to a life
sentence. In fact, in Jackson County where the trail was held not one Mexican
American served in a jury in 25 years. Mexican American lead Attorney Gus
Garcia was able to get the Earl Warren Court to unanimously agree that the 14<sup>th</sup>
amendment protected other classes beyond the black/white binary. Being formally
white did not entail the privileges whiteness entails to individuals in the
United States. </span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt;">The
reality is that many individual Latinos have traversed the whiteness border
depending on their class, education and color. In “Shades of Color” Sonya
Tafoya (2004) found that self-identification as white is influenced by whether
the person if foreign born (more likely to choose other in 2000 census), or
native born. Being a citizen, native born, higher education increase the
probability of individuals choosing white. As this study and others have found
they are also more likely to vote for the Republican Party. Does this mean they
are living a “white” life or are they aspiring to truly be “white”? </span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt;">It seems obvious that skin color may be a factor on
whether people identify as white, as Tanya Bolash-Goza in her “<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Dropping the Hyphen? Becoming Latino (a)-American
through Racialized Assimilation” (2006) shows that experiencing discrimination
leads Latino to be less likely to identify as “Americans” (code for “white”)
and more likely to self-identify with a hyphen as Mexican-American. So the
color of a person’s skin will still be a factor in how society incorporates or
not individuals and groups into the middle class white fold. In their 2010
study Reanner Frank et al “</span>Latino Immigrants and the U.S. Racial Order:
How and Where Do They Fit In?” "Some Latinos will be successful in the bid
to be accepted as 'white' - usually those with lighter skin. But for those with
darker skin and those who are more integrated into U.S. society, we believe
there will be a new Latino racial boundary forming around them." So in
their view skin color and the length of experience with the system of race
(native born versus foreign born)<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"> will
determine their sense of membership in racial categories.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">But the recent study by
Laura Pulido and Manuel Pastor “</span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Where in the World Is Juan—and What
Color Is He? The Geography of Latina/o Racial Identity in Southern California”
add another dimension that is crucial. First again they find that the longer
Latinos experience the racial system the clearer it is to them that they will
not be part of the “most favored status.’ But another novel contribution is
space, space does matter. As geographers they have reminded us that we develop
a social identity in the context of community and that segregation is a power
force in shaping the dynamics of the social construction of identity. The more
time we spend interacting with others in similar conditions to us the more
similar we become. These are conditions that lead to identifying as “Some other
Race.(SOR)” “Latinas/os living in area that have a higher percentage of people
of color and are more racially segregated are more likely to identify as SOR,
while those living in the most suburbanized areas are much more likely to
identify as “white.” If these are the factor on which the social construction
of a racialized identity are hinged, there will be no “whitening” in a massive
scale anytime soon. That would entail a radical transformation of U.S. society
and an incredible process of upward social mobility for Latinos. Even the issue
of Affirmative Action is being transformed into an issue of place/race, not
only race because of the persistence of segregation the recent book “Place, Not
race: Affirmative Action and the Geography of Opportunity” Sheryll Cashin Law
Professor at Georgetown University Law Center, <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Place-Not-Race-Opportunity-America/dp/0807086142"><span style="color: black; mso-style-textfill-fill-alpha: 100.0%; mso-style-textfill-fill-color: black;"><span style="color: black; mso-style-textfill-fill-alpha: 100.0%; mso-style-textfill-fill-color: black;">indicates how entrenched segregation is
and how new strategies will be needed to challenge its effects.</span></span></a>
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Another
possibility which is mostly discounted by Pulido and Pastor is the
Bonilla-Silva thesis “</span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt;">From Bi-racial to
Tri-racial’: Towards a New System of Racial Stratification” in the USA”</span><span style="font-family: "AGaramond-Regular","serif"; font-size: 8.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: AGaramond-Regular;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt;">of </span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">a new
re-configuration of our racial architecture away from the binary system that
now prevails. He argues that what might happen, and the data on segregation
could support this, is a tri-racial system with whites at the top, Latinos as a
“buffer” between whites and African Americans at the bottom. This buffer would
be made up of Latinos who could “pass” as whites while darker skinned Latinos
would join the lower stage with African Americans. This also depends on a
robust process of upward mobility for Latinos which remains to be seen. </span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>This debate has usually had Mexican Americans as a core
centerpiece of what this country portends for Latinos. Being the largest Latino
group and the one who has had the longest experience in this country it is
reasonable for their experience to be instructive and determinative for the
entire Latino experience. This is the reason why some moderate and
conservatives have focused on Chicanos and have argued that Mexicans will be
fully incorporated. One classic version of this thesis is Peter Skerry whose
book <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Mexican</i></span><i><span style="font-size: 12.0pt;"> Americans: The Ambivalent Minority</span></i><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> in 1993
also caused a roar when he said that Chicanos were on the same assimilation
path of European Americans. His title was in some sense interpreted as a
backhanded attack at Chicano activists by implying that Mexican Americans
wanted to assimilate, a process challenged by many Chicanistas. Time proved him
wrong since in 2014 we are still debating the process of the full incorporation
of Latinos. </span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>In the end Mr. Cohn cites professor Sanchez from Latino
Decisions: </span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt;">“</span><span style="color: black; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Gabriel
Sanchez, an associate professor at the University of New Mexico and a director
of research for the polling group Latino Decisions, interpreted the upward
swing in white identification as </span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><a href="http://r20.rs6.net/tn.jsp?f=001R7h5cm5SKkixUnkym9GZbissLYC_rkkEvwc0EvN478x_AhJvu-rxUMLeBfF-fr20pGYr6ed7U8fu0xkmM4JpMElPtobp1IJgtjHSvtBWPDb1jtl4xf5kFhFbN6ulVUDTzABN8O46UAi3ydNv5699OVZnUzXpvqu8hUIv3qkhP8wBqFhdhGZK2WdErFAOxhmf5xkpbLqlm7O9pafVP1bLlBw-_bS0WfSkeEQSvlMRR70OMiUNE8tgpKe-88rEtkFYu9G7SbUzH_59nrD-zmmxFq2D0mk3y1JGYeU6c7mlNUvTqLLrbpNkCyVJ5szClE3df-iKLXE_znMhKHSC61u9hA==&c=6MK6Z0YqgkhXwk4HLKG1V5q6DrgQkHbxknCnwffKQMVZ0RtEJBV1yg==&ch=4nj1kqEHPrGm3fv_c2yQtqKMMWd7vokmaZh_uq6mbrf7QlhHXTFUMg==" target="_blank"><span style="color: black; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-style-textfill-fill-alpha: 100.0%; mso-style-textfill-fill-color: black;"><span style="color: black; mso-style-textfill-fill-alpha: 100.0%; mso-style-textfill-fill-color: black;">consistent with the possibility</span></span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> that
well-assimilated Hispanics might become "for most social purposes,
white." Professor Sanchez is right, however, that was not the issue, of
course assimilated Latinos will identify as “white.” The issue is how broad the
process of whitening is? Will it encompass a large proportion of Latinos? Will
it continue to be a minority experience among Latinos? My perspective, unless
there is a radical transformation of U.S. society and economy, it will be a
minority experience for Latinos. This not an abstract issue since a
transformation like this will change the nature of politics in the United
States. “White” Latinos are more likely to vote for the Republican Party and
support conservative causes (with some exceptions). As Garcia-Bedolla showed </span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">“The Identity Paradox: Latino
Language, Politics and Selective Dissociation”</span><span style="color: black; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> (2003)
assimilation tends to divide the community and disempower Latinos. This study
shows how more assimilated Latinos, were more likely to vote in favor of
Proposition 187 and distance themselves from Latino immigrants. This
proposition, would have expelled undocumented children from school and deny
health care among other public services. Fortunately, the California Supreme
Court found it unconstitutional on two grounds, violation of 14<sup>th</sup>
Amendment (Due Process) and a violation of the supremacy clause of the constitution
that establishes the federal government’s primacy over immigration issues. </span></div>
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Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-75400118194738886832014-04-07T09:02:00.000-07:002014-04-07T09:02:08.614-07:00Colonialism and Puerto Rico’s Fiscal Crisis<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<br />
Posted on Dissident Voice<br />
<h1 class="title">
Colonialism and Puerto Rico’s Fiscal Crisis</h1>
<div class="byline">
by Victor M. Rodriguez Domínguez / April 5th, 2014</div>
Puerto Rico, is usually thought of as a tourism destination or is
usually invisible in the U.S. media. In recent times, its fiscal and
economic crisis has led to show up in the business pages of the
mainstream media with inaccurate comparisons with Detroit or Greece
whose fiscal crisis had attracted much media attention. As usual, the
mainstream press looks at the illness without looking at the root
causes. And the comparisons are usually risky because they tend to
ignore history and the nuances of each case. Unfortunately for Puerto
Rico, its fuzzy political relationship with the United States is always
described with euphemisms by the supporters of the governing Popular
Democratic Party (“Commonwealth”) in order to avoid the undeniable
truth: Puerto Rico is a colonial possession of the United States in the
21st century.<br />
<br />
The colonial model that was developed after World War II
is entering a stage of complete collapse and the colonial government has
few alternatives to repair the economic crisis. Without the power to
enter trade agreements, forced to use the U.S. Merchant Marine, no
control over its currency Puerto Rico and inability to protect its
economic sectors with tariffs Puerto Rico is like a ship adrift without
the oars to set a direction. But the United States, and the Puerto Rican
supporters of the colonial status, like an alcoholic, has always been
in denial of the fact that a democratic nation should not have colonies.
But in Puerto Rico the wall of denials is cracking and threatening to
impact the U.S economy and national security.<br />
<br />
In mid-march Puerto Rico’s colonial government chose to
drink of the same medicine that has ailed its economy during the last
five decades. After having its credit rating downgraded to junk status
it negotiated with the Wall Street vultures and was able to finagle
another emission of $3.5 billion in the municipal bond market at 8 per
cent interest, one of the highest rates the island has ever paid for
borrowing funds. In Wall Street they rang bells in celebration and
Puerto Rican government officials with smiles in their faces were
photographed celebrating the occasion. These funds, which would have
been effective as a stimulus to the economy that could have increased
employment by repairing the deteriorated infrastructure, including
schools, highways, pipelines, energy, and funding higher education.
Instead these funds will be used to pay the public debt.<br />
<br />
And, in order to gain the trust of the Wall Street bond
holders the Popular Democratic government, elected in an
anti-neo-liberal wave in 2012 chose to “reform” the Teachers’ Pension
Fund which reduces their benefits significantly. Despite the fact that
there were less onerous possible measures the government, in order to
appease the Wall Street interest chose to reduce the retirement to
75,000 teachers. This has caused that close to 7,000 will likely retire
in August in order to get other jobs or emigrate. This will create a
crisis in the public school system. The teachers went on a two-day
strike in January and have their legal case pending in the Island’s
Supreme Court.<br />
<br />
More recently, the legislature is considering a euphemistically
called reform of the public agency which produces electricity, a
publicly-owned agency with strong unions, which will essentially
privatize one of the last remaining bulwarks of the local “new deal” in
the 1940s efforts to create local control over basic resources. This
public agency, just like the Tennessee Valley Authority, created to
provide the infrastructure for the economic development of the island by
offering energy at reasonable prices. But, the colonial governments
that have mishandled the economy in the last five decades chose to milk
the agency by providing a subsidy their local cronies in municipal
governments throughout the island, an outflow that has risen to $400
million a year. That is 95% of the $276 million loss the agency had in
2013. The colonial government has chosen a slippery slope that will only
end when the economy and its people hit rock bottom. The most patent
consequence of the crisis and the policies implemented by the colonial
government is the gradual depopulation of the island.<br />
<br />
<strong>Declining Population</strong><br />
An analysis performed by the Center of Puerto Rican
Studies (2014) indicates that the population of Puerto Rico declined
from 3,721,208 in 2010 to 3,615,086 in 2013. A decline rate of 1 per
cent per year while at the same time the natural growth of the
population has declined 13 per cent between 2012 and 2013. Also 200,000
have emigrated since 2000. The median age of the Puerto Rican population
is 37.8 which means it is higher than the median of the U.S.
population. Puerto Rico is the only area under the U.S. jurisdiction
that has declined so dramatically in population. Florida is catching up
on New York as a site of Puerto Ricans settlement. In fact, in the 2012
elections President Obama received the electoral votes of this state
thanks to the Puerto Rican vote which nationally voted 83 per cent for
Democrats.<br />
<br />
But there is not a massive “brain drain” occurring in the
emigration flow. In fact, most of the emigrants are less educated than
the non-emigrant population according to a study covering 2000-2011 by
Kurt Birson of the Center for Puerto Rican Studies of Hunter College,
CUNY. While there are a significant number of professionals among the
emigrants, only 15 per cent hold a bachelor’s degree and 5 per cent a
graduate degree, a slightly smaller representation than the non-emigrant
population. Many of these emigrants, especially those with lover levels
of education, although U.S. citizens (Puerto Ricans had U.S.
citizenship imposed statutorily by the 1917 Jones Act) are finding
themselves competing with undocumented workers in certain job markets in
the south.<br />
<br />
<strong>The Fiscal Debt of Puerto Rico</strong><br />
The basic problem of the Puerto Rico model is the failure
of its economic system to provide the revenue to pay for services.
While in the early stages of what was called “Operation Bootstrap” there
was a closing of the gap in wages between Puerto Rico and the United
States. But after the 1970s the gap began to expand. Part of the reason
was the decline in unionization rates, and the decline in the economic
development efforts which led to less revenues going to the government
coffers. Since the 1970s, they began to rely on debt to pay for basic
public services and to pay for previous debt. Since last February 4,
2014, Standard & Poor’s, Moody’s and Fitch have downgraded its debt
to junk status, brushing aside a series of austerity measures taken by
the new governor which were considered necessary but only helped to
avoid a further lowering of the credit rating. Also, despite the
announced radical measures by the governor of Puerto Rico’s Governor
Alejandro Garcia Padilla to reduce appropriations by $170 million and
plans to have a balanced budget for 2015, Standard & Poor the
government issued new debt and may have to return to the market to cover
a 2015 deficit. This is a chaotic situation given that the public debt
of Puerto Rico is $71 billion dollars or 102 per cent of the island’s
GNP the highest of any state in the U.S. The debt income ratio is 83 per
cent<sup><a class="footnote-link footnote-identifier-link" href="http://dissidentvoice.org/2014/04/colonialism-and-puerto-ricos-fiscal-crisis/#footnote_0_53646" id="identifier_0_53646" title="Jose R. Villamil. “Why Puerto Rico’s Economy Matters for U.S. Security.” Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic & International Studies, January 2014.">1</a></sup>
almost 14 times the same measure as New York, California or Illinois.
The island is paying close to $3.7 billion a year to service the debt.
To compound the situation the labor participation rate has declined to
41.3 per cent (one of the lowest in the world). In addition, the
unemployment rate is 15.4 per cent, highest than any state of the U.S.<br />
<br />
<strong>The Genealogy of the Crisis</strong><br />
In order to obtain some revenue from these newly incorporated
“controlled foreign corporations” the colonial government instituted Law
154 to tax these corporations at a rate of 4 per cent, in an industry
that has become addicted to low taxes this measure has not been received
well. In 2012 the government received $1.8 billion dollars from this
measure. A local economist Argeo Quiñones has argued that instead of
this tax the government should legislate to increase the backward
linkages of these enterprises. In other words to provide incentives so
that they buy a higher percentage of their industrial inputs to infuse
more money into the economy and further increase employment.
Pharmaceutical corporations, for example, produce goods that are not
available to the local retail drug establishments, this “crisscross”
effect leads to these products being sent to their matrix in the U.S.
and there re-sold to the local drug establishments.<br />
<br />
Because of the reliance on local tax exemptions, “controlled foreign
corporations” are not subject to federal taxes and at times they sell
their intellectual rights (like Microsoft USA) to their local foreign
owned subsidiary (since Puerto Rico is foreign for tax purposes) and are
able to save billions of dollar in the sales in the U.S. market. The
Congress Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs
(October 12, 2012), chaired by Senator Max Baucus found that: “In 2011,
this corporate sleight of hand enabled Microsoft USA to shift 47 cent of
every dollar in U.S. sales totaling $6 billion, to its Puerto Rican
subsidiary, dodging payments of U.S. taxes on nearly half of its U.S.
sales income.” In the meantime, foreign corporations in Puerto Rico,
predominantly from the U.S. repatriated $33 billion in profits in 2012.
The colony is good for U.S. businesses. It is also good for drug
traffickers, Puerto Rico is a trans-shipment point for drugs into the
United States that brought in $5 billion in drug trafficking activity in
Puerto Rico in 2011.This is 10 per cent of the island’s gross domestic
product (GDP). While 7 per cent of the U.S. bound cocaine trafficking
came through the Caribbean in 2011, 14 per cent came along this route in
2013. Although irrational the United States decided to shut down a
radar system the Over the Horizon Radar (OHT) located in Puerto Rico and
Vieques that was used to track drug trafficking and spying.<br />
<br />
<strong>The Eternal Status Issue </strong><br />
Recently, in 2012 the regular election included a referendum on
Puerto Rico’s status. The referendum had two parts, one in which people
had to choose whether they were satisfied with the present “territorial
status” status, given the long term efforts to improve it the results of
this vote were not a surprise. 54 per cent of the voters chose that
they were not satisfied with the present colonial status. In the second
part of the referendum people were given three choices, but the present
status of “commonwealth’ was not included. The purpose was to disperse
the pro-commonwealth vote and highlight the pro-statehood vote. However,
in protest for the language of the ballot the PPD asked its supporters
to leave the ballots blank. In this round, while statehood received the
highest percentage of the votes 44.4 per cent it is the lowest
pro-statehood vote since 1998 and 1993. When the blank votes are added
to the rest 54.7 per cent of voter rejected statehood. But in sum, these
results have confused the issue for congress and while the Obama
administration approved funding for another plebiscite and another bill
is in Congress to ask voter “Yes or No” on statehood no reasonable
observer expects any clear result from these efforts. Especially when
the General Accounting Office (GAO) in March released a study where the
consequences of statehood for Puerto Rico will be dismal, what remains
of the manufacturing sector will leave and what will be left is a
population dependent on federal subsidies.<br />
<br />
Puerto Ricans need a clear path toward the resolution of their
political status. This will have dire consequences for all, Puerto Rico
and the United States. <br />
<ol class="footnotes">
<li class="footnote" id="footnote_0_53646">Jose R.
Villamil. “Why Puerto Rico’s Economy Matters for U.S. Security.”
Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic & International Studies,
January 2014. [<a class="footnote-link footnote-back-link" href="http://dissidentvoice.org/2014/04/colonialism-and-puerto-ricos-fiscal-crisis/#identifier_0_53646">↩</a>]</li>
</ol>
<div class="author">
Victor M. Rodriguez is Professor and former Chair
of the Department of Chicano and Latino Studies at California State
University of Long Beach. Among his published works is <em><a href="http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ASIN/1465204555/dissivoice-20">Latino
Politics in the United States: Race, Ethnicity, Class and Gender in the
Mexican American and Puerto Rican Experience in the United States</a></em> (Kendall-Hunt, 2012). He can be reached at: <a href="mailto:vodrig5@csulb.edu">vodrig5@csulb.edu</a>. <a href="http://dissidentvoice.org/author/victorrodriguezdominguez/">Read other articles by Victor</a>, or <a href="http://ethnosboriquen.blogspot.com/">visit Victor's website</a>.</div>
<div class="postmeta">
This article was posted on Saturday, April 5th, 2014 at 5:55am and is filed under <a href="http://dissidentvoice.org/category/capitalism/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Capitalism">Capitalism</a>, <a href="http://dissidentvoice.org/category/colonialism/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Colonialism">Colonialism</a>, <a href="http://dissidentvoice.org/category/finance/debt-finance/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Debt">Debt</a>, <a href="http://dissidentvoice.org/category/democracy/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Democracy">Democracy</a>, <a href="http://dissidentvoice.org/category/elections/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Elections">Elections</a>, <a href="http://dissidentvoice.org/category/labor/employmrent/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Employment">Employment</a>, <a href="http://dissidentvoice.org/category/finance/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Finance">Finance</a>, <a href="http://dissidentvoice.org/category/neoliberalism/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Neoliberalism">Neoliberalism</a>, <a href="http://dissidentvoice.org/category/neoliberalism/privatization/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Privatization">Privatization</a>, <a href="http://dissidentvoice.org/category/turtle-island/caribbean/puerto-rico-caribbean-turtle-island/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Puerto Rico">Puerto Rico</a>, <a href="http://dissidentvoice.org/category/finance/wall-street/" rel="category tag" title="View all posts in Wall Street">Wall Street</a>. </div>
</div>
Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-82897406666890765452014-03-29T08:27:00.002-07:002014-03-29T08:28:04.855-07:00 2014: Los latinos en la política norteamericana<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">2014: Los
latinos en la política norteamericana</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Víctor M. Rodríguez Domínguez</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Catedrático, Departamento de
Estudios Chicanas/os y Latinas/os</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Universidad
Estatal de California, Long Beach</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Este año es un momento estratégico y crucial para que tipo de derrotero político
tomarán los Estados Unidos en lo que resta del Siglo XXI.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Las elecciones de noviembre 4, 2014 en gran
medida determinarán la política y la cultura política de los Estados Unidos en
los próximos años en asuntos tales como la posible reforma del proceso de
inmigración, la resistencia contra los esfuerzos a nivel de los estados de excluir
votantes a través de diversas medidas, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>y
que tipo de ambiente cultural se seguirá desarrollando con respecto a la creciente
población multi-racial y multi-cultural. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Además,
la actitud del gobierno federal y el pueblo norteamericano frente a los
esfuerzos de auto determinación de Puerto Rico y los intentos de los sectores
estadistas en Puerto Rico por impulsar su proyecto dependerán también del
resultado de estas elecciones. Es por eso que será importante comprender el
potencial del voto latino en esta ronda electoral. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Por décadas se ha utilizado la metáfora del “gigante dormido” para
describir el potencial político de las poblaciones latinas en los Estados
Unidos. Lamentablemente, la falta de conocimientos demográficos y políticos
sobre esta población ha creado una mitología basada en conceptos erróneos y
distorsionados sobre la realidad socio-política de esta diversa población. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Esto ha llevado a organizaciones políticas en
Puerto Rico, especialmente el Partido Nuevo Progresista a invertir recursos
humanos y financieros en insertar puertorriqueños en organizaciones pan-latinas
tales como la Liga de Ciudadanos Latino Americanos Unidos o LULAC por sus
siglas en ingles. También han tenido unas iniciativas con resultados
irregulares en organizar a jóvenes universitarios de Puerto Rico que estudian
en instituciones de educación superior en los Estados Unidos. Estos esfuerzos
no lograron cumplir con los objetivos deseados con excepción de la aprobación
de unas resoluciones y pronunciamientos públicos a favor de la Estadidad sin
ninguna mayor repercusión.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pudieron
lograr una limitada proyección mediática que tampoco condujo a nada medular.
Desafortunadamente para los estadistas, estos estuvieron aquejados de los
mismos estereotipos que existen entre sectores anti-latinos sobre la supuesta
homogeneidad de la creciente población latina en los Estados Unidos. El gigante
dormido siguió durmiendo a pesar de los esfuerzos de agitarlos en apoyo a la
estadidad para Puerto Rico.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Los independentistas siguiendo los pasos que los Nacionalistas habían
seguido en el Noreste de los estados pero sufrieron la desarticulación de sus
proyectos en los Estados Unidos, proyectos que en una ocasión llevó a que
organizaciones como el otrora Partido Socialista Puertorriqueño tuviera
organizaciones y cuadros desde el este hasta el oeste de los Estados Unidos. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>En Nueva York y Los Ángeles en ocasiones se
celebraron actividades multitudinarias en apoyo a la independencia de Puerto
Rico. Claridad se vendía en las calles del este de Los Ángeles, Chicago y Nueva
York. También lograron acceso a congresistas que pudieron ayudar en ciertos
objetivos políticos. Hoy día el trabajo político es realizado por
organizaciones locales, relativamente desarticuladas que enfatizan el trabajo
por los prisioneros políticos, temas laborales que se resaltan en los medios, y
el trabajo comunal. Esfuerzos recientes en establecer vínculos con
organizaciones progresistas en los Estados Unidos han quedado sobre el tintero,
el más reciente fue la participación del Movimiento Independentista Nacional
Hostosiano (MINH), algunos miembros de la Unión de Juventudes Socialistas, el
Movimiento Socialista de los Trabajadores en el Foro Social en la ciudad de
Detroit en el 2010.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>En ese evento se
logró proyectar la lucha por la autodeterminación pero sin ninguna continuidad.
En estos momentos en que la población latina ha alcanzado su más alto nivel
poblacional en los Estados Unidos el movimiento independentista cuenta con
limitadas conexiones estratégicas con el creciente movimiento político en las
comunidades latinas.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Retando la
mitología sobre los latinos en los Estados Unidos</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Es cierto que la población latina ha aumentado significativamente, hoy
(2014) representan un 17.7% de la población norteamericana o 57 millones de
habitantes. Pero la población no es homogénea, hay distintos patrones geográficos,
de asociación y de segregación entre los sub-grupos latinos. Primero, los
puertorriqueños que constituyen 9.5% de la población latina tienden a concentrarse
en el noreste, sureste y el medio oeste (Chicago) de los Estados Unidos. Los
mejicanos quienes constituyen 64.6% de la totalidad de los latinos tienden a
concentrarse en el suroeste pero de forma incrementada se han dispersado por el
medio oeste (Chicago), el noroeste (Nueva York) y el sur, especialmente en las
Carolinas, Georgia y Florida.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>El
único otro grupo que se acerca en cantidad a los boricuas y los mejicanos son
los salvadoreños y los cubanos que representan 3.8% y 3.6% respectivamente de
la totalidad de la población latina. Por otro lado, los patrones de segregación
son distintos. Un estudio reciente sobre los patrones de segregación de los
latinos desde el 1980 hasta el 2010 por Iceland et al. (2013) señala que los puertorriqueños
están más segregados de otros latinos que los mejicanos pero menos que los
salvadoreños, cubanos y dominicanos en el 2010.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Pero también notan que el patrón de segregación esta declinando para los
boricuas y los cubanos. En términos de interacción social con otros grupos el estudio
nota que los mejicanos son los más aislados, esto se debe a como son el grupo
más numeroso los mejicanos tienden a interactuar con otros mejicanos. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;"> Las implicaciones de estos patrones es que surgen unas visiones de mundo
distintas y unas perspectivas políticas diversas sobre varios asuntos con
implicaciones políticas. Es por eso que es difícil hablar de “política latina”
y más acertado hablar de las perspectivas políticas de los latinos. El asunto
de la inmigración es un buen ejemplo. Cuando se habla del “problema migratorio”
y los latinos en realidad es un eufemismo para hablar sobre el rol positivo o
negativo que tiene para la población latina los más de 11 millones de
inmigrantes indocumentados en los Estados Unidos. Estas perspectivas varían
significativamente entre los grupos latinos. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 2;"> </span>La fundación PEW
reveló en octubre del 2013 que 46% de los latinos piensan que el impacto de la
población no documentada en los Estados Unidos es positivo. Esto varía por
grupo desde un 59% de los dominicanos que perciben como positiva la población
indocumentada hasta los puertorriqueños quienes en su mayoría la ven como un
factor negativo. Solo un 34% de estos tiene una perspectiva positiva de esta
población. Los mejicanos, por ejemplo, solo un 47% ven como positivo el rol de
los indocumentados, solo 2 por ciento más que el promedio de la población
latina (aun cuando la mayoría de los indocumentados son mejicanos).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Los cubanos al otro extremo se asemejan a los
puertorriqueños y solo 38% tienen una visión positiva de esta población. Por lo
tanto aun en el seno mismo de la población no hay un consenso sobre el rol de
esta comunidad en los Estados Unidos. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Pero, cuando se brega directamente con la reforma migratoria el panorama
es distinto. De acuerdo a <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Latino
Decisions </i>uno de los centros de investigación más confiables sobre la
política y los latinos, el 60% de los votantes latinos cree que la reforma es
el tema político más importante por encima de la economía. Este se debe a que
muchos latinos o conocen una persona indocumentada o tienen algún familiar en
ese estatus. Los entrevistados eran votantes que van a participar en las
elecciones de noviembre 2014. En estas elecciones se eligen todos los
congresistas y cerca de 34 de los senadores, además casi la mitad de los
gobernadores. No es hasta el 2016 que las elecciones incluyen la presidencia de
los Estados Unidos. Por lo tanto dependerá de cómo el Partido Demócrata y el
Republicano se enfrenten a este tema y sus esfuerzos por captar y movilizar el
voto latino lo que decidirá el apoyo o no de los votantes latinos.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Aunque los latinos apoyaron al Partido Demócrata en el 2012, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>cuando 71% de los votantes latinos apoyaron al
Presidente Obama, solo un 54% se identifican como Demócrata y aun muchos
encuentran el partido no muy hospitalario con los latinos.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Muchos de los nuevos electores se identifican
como independientes. El Partido Demócrata ha asumido en la práctica que los
latinos votarán impulsivamente por ellos cuando en realidad lo que ha movido a
muchos latinos hacia el Partido Demócrata es que el Partido Republicano es tan
extremista en sus posiciones anti-inmigrante y anti-latina que los latinos no
están atraídos al partido Demócrata es que son repelidos por el Partido
Republicano. Hay numerosos casos en que el partido demócrata ha perdido
importantes campañas debido a esta dejadez y su negativa de incorporar
activamente a los latinos y movilizar el voto latino. En Nueva York
recientemente no se aprobó legislación para el llamado “Dream act” que
permitiría a los estudiantes indocumentados asistir a universidades públicas
sin tener que pagar matrícula como no residente que siempre es mucho mas
alta.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>En el estado de California por
ejemplo, el permitir que los estudiantes indocumentados (llamados estudiantes
AB540, por la ley que legitimó esto) decenas de miles de estudiantes indocumentados
han podido cursar estudios universitarios. Pero en California el 39% de la
población es latina y hay un caucus legislativo latino poderoso. Pero, aun en
California el partido demócrata sufre de dejadez y asume que los latinos
automáticamente apoyarán su plataforma. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Recientemente en Texas, la progresista senadora estatal Wendy Davis,
quien se convirtió en un símbolo de la lucha de las mujeres por sus derechos cuando
logró detener temporeramente legislación que coartaba los derechos
reproductivos de las mujeres, ganó la nominación para gobernadora en las
primarias Demócratas. Empero, si va a ganar la gobernación necesita el voto de
los latinos quienes son el 38% de la población de Texas. El Partido Demócrata
no movilizó a los latinos y la senadora Davis perdió en todos los condados de
mayoría latina en el sur de Texas y la frontera con Méjico. El partido
demócrata hizo lo mismo que hizo en el 2012 no dedicó recursos a movilizar los
votantes latinos de Texas. Según Sylvia Manzano profesora de ciencias políticas
de la universidad de Texas,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>en 2012 solo
el 25% de los votantes latinos fueron contactados y movilizados por los
Demócratas.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Hasta en California, donde
los Demócratas adolecen de la misma falta ellos solo contactaron el 31% de los
que votaron.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">La razón fundamental que mantiene al proverbial “gigante dormido” es que
tradicionalmente los grupos inmigrantes, desde el caso clásico de los
irlandeses en el noreste de los Estados Unidos fueron movilizados por los
partidos políticos con sus campañas casa por casa. Estos esfuerzos con los
latinos de parte del Partido Demócrata han brillado por su ausencia
históricamente y aún persiste la dejadez. En el caso de los latinos que tienen
una muy baja participación electoral esto es lo que decide si esta población se
suma a políticas progresistas o se mantienen apolíticos y sin movilizar
beneficiando al sector conservador.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Esto
es particularmente cierto en las llamada elecciones no-presidenciales como son
las de noviembre 2014. En el 2010, donde los republicanos coparon en el
congreso, solo el 31.2% de los ciudadanos latinos votaron. Esto contrasta con el
48.6 de los blancos no latinos (categoría que no incluye a los latinos que se
identifican como blancos en las encuestas) quienes si participaron en estas elecciones
apoyando el “Tea Party” y el virazón a la derecha en el país. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Si el Partido Demócrata de nuevo persiste en
ignorar y en no movilizar a los votantes latinos a través la movilización casa
por casa y la inclusión de los temas como la reforma migratoria, la economía y
la creación de trabajos los latinos se quedaran en su casa. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Irónicamente lo único que movería a los latinos a votar y evitar que el Partido
Demócrata repita la debacle del 2010 es si los Republicanos toman posiciones
tan extremistas como cuando en el 2005 cuando el congresista de Wisconsin Jim
Sensenbrenner sometió la ley HR 4437 que financiaba la creación de una verja,
legitimaba el uso del perfil racial contra los latinos, militarizaba la
frontera en fin una serie de medidas duras y opresivas.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Esto llevó a cientos de miles de latinos a
las calles con manifestaciones en lugares como Los Ángeles de 1 millón de
personas y cantidades dramáticas en Chicago, San Antonio y hasta Nueva York.
También fue exitosa en detener los aspectos más opresivos de la ley. Pero, más
importante es que electrificó y movilizó a los latinos en las elecciones del
2008.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>El 49.9 de los latinos registrados
votaron y más dramático es el impacto que tuvo en la juventud latina. En el
2006, otras elecciones no presidenciales solo el 16.6% de los jóvenes latinos
entre los 18 y los 24 años votaron. La movilización hizo que en el 2008 el
38.8% de los jóvenes votaran, la proporción más alta vista en décadas.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Por lo tanto, con la tradicional relativa
baja participación electoral de los latinos, si los demócratas no se alertan
pudieran muy bien perder el voto latino. Y aquellos que salga a votar serán los
sectores más conservadores de clase media y nacidos en los Estados Unidos
quienes son más dados a identificarse como blancos y a votar por los Republicanos.
Estos solo necesitan el 40% de los votos latinos para ganar las elecciones y
copar el senado.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Y para lograrlo solo
tienen que ponerle una sordina a sus extremistas pues las encuestas revelan que
cuando Paul Ryan hizo unos comentarios <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>positivos
sobre los inmigrantes los Republicanos recibieron más opiniones positivas (71%)
de los latinos así que la valla no es muy alta. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Conclusión</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;"> Recientemente,
a principios de marzo de este año, la Conferencia del Comité de Acción
Conservadora (CPAC) se celebró en Maryland. Es esta la reunión más importante
de la derecha norteamericana. Contrario a reuniones de años anteriores donde
supremacistas blancos campearon por los pasillos y tuvieron una participación
significativa, esta vez los organizadores modularon el evento y no le
permitieron mucha visibilidad a los grupos más extremistas.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Obviamente, frente a las elecciones de
noviembre los republicanos quieren presentar su mejor perfil. Hasta auspiciaron
un evento para proveer estrategias y motivación para reclutar latinos para el
partido. El resultado fue patético, un salón con cabida para más de 300
personas apenas tuvo una participación de unas pocas docenas de activistas. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pero con la motivación, obsesión que tienen
los republicanos con el programa de seguro médico (AHCA) o el “Obamacare” como
le llaman sus detractores y los ataques al presidente por todas sus políticas
pudieran llevar un elevado número de sus votantes a las urnas en
noviembre.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>En estos momentos en que la
población de los llamados “baby boomers” representan una proporción
significativa de la población y de los votantes, pudieran cambiar aún más la
correlación de fuerzas aún más hacia la derecha. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Los votantes entre las edades 48 a 64 tienen
muy altas tasas de participación electoral. En el 2010 el 57% de los blancos no
latinos votaron mientras solo el 40.2 de los latinos en la misma categoría de
edad votaron. Y si los jóvenes latinos repiten la tasa de participación del
2010 porque no hay temas que les atañen ni movilización que los motive, votaran
solo un 16.1% de ellos. Esto significará, muy probablemente que los
republicanos tendrán la sartén por el mango al controlar el senado. De esto
suceder, no habrá reforma migratoria que valga la pena, es posible que se ataque
y se desmantele gradualmente el seguro médico, se tomaran medidas económicas
para reducir el mitológico déficit que reduciran la red social de apoyo a los
pobres y el financiamiento de la educación superior. Irónicamente también
implicará que no habrá espacio ni motivación para discutir la estadidad
tampoco.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
</div>
Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-91016013025224562542014-03-02T08:04:00.000-08:002014-03-02T08:04:02.474-08:00Reseña Piero Gliejeses Vision de Libertad el rol de Cuba en la libertad en el sur de Africa<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Ensayo Reseña</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 16.0pt;">:</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR-HT;"> </span><span lang="FR-HT" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR-HT; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">Piero</span><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">
Gleijeses</span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Visions of Freedom: Havana, Washington,
Pretoria, and the Struggle for Southern Africa, 1976-19</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">. </span><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">736 paginas. (</span><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">The University of North Carolina Press, 2013</span><span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">)</span><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;"> </span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Victor M.
Rodriguez, catedrático, Universidad de California, Long Beach</span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">“El opresor mata dos veces, primero mata el cuerpo y
segundo, borrando las memorias.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Anónimo</span><span lang="ES-PR" style="color: #ff9900; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;"></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">“La
memoria de los pueblos oprimidos es algo que no se puede borrar, y para estos
pueblos con estas memorias la revuelta está a flor de piel.” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">―
</span><a href="http://www.goodreads.com/author/show/1899.Howard_Zinn"><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Howard
Zinn</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><a href="http://www.goodreads.com/work/quotes/2185591"><i><span style="color: windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">A People's History
of the United States: 1492 to Present</span></i></a><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
</span></i></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">“La Historia es el producto
del poder, pero el poder por sí mismo nunca es tan transparente que su análisis
sea superfluo. La marca definitiva del poder es su invisibilidad; el reto mayor
es revelar sus raíces.”<i><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></i></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Michel-Rolph Troillot<i>.
Silencing the Past: Power and the Production of History</i></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Prologo: </span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Piero Gleijeses, experto en la política exterior de
los Estados Unidos, particularmente en Latino América nació en Venecia, Italia
y ha producido una gran cantidad de investigaciones que han roto mitos creados
por los apologistas del imperialismo norteamericano.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Irónicamente, ha logrado esto estando situado
en el centro mismo del mundo académico que produce los documentos cruciales que
sirven de base para la dominación hegemónica, no solo intelectual e ideológica
sino también militar de los Estados Unidos.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Es catedrático en la universidad de Johns Hopkins, un centro intelectual
de la diplomacia norteamericana. Ha escrito sobre la política intervencionista
de los Estados Unidos en Guatemala, Republica Dominicana y Cuba. Su libro
“Misiones en conflicto” en el 2002 es considerado como la mejor interpretación
histórica, diplomática del rol de Cuba en África desde el 1959 hasta el 1976 en
el contexto de la guerra fría. Este nuevo libro “Visiones de Libertad” cubre el
rol Cubano desde el 1976 hasta el 1991 llevándonos al momento mismo de la
liberación de Namibia y el comienzo del proceso de desmantelamiento del sistema
de Apartheid. En esta voluminosa obra de 736 páginas ampliamente documentada
con partes diplomáticos por primera vez revelados de Cuba, Rusia, los Estados
Unidos y Sur África. También condujo entrevistas con algunos de los principales
participantes en estos eventos, desde combatientes Cubanos, diplomáticos
norteamericanos, cubanos, sur africanos y rusos además de oficiales del ejército
cubano, angolano y sur africano. Gleijeses logra demoler desmitificando el
trabajo ideológico de la maquinaria diplomática quien en conjunto con los
medios de información de los Estados Unidos crearon<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>el ambiente de ignorancia e distorsión de la
verdad histórica que rodeó los análisis y el teatro político que los
norteamericanos presentaron luego de la muerte del patriota sur africano Nelson
Rolihlahla Mandela</span></i></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Esta reseña
destacará el rol de los cubanos en las dos derrotas que Sur África sufrió
frente a los cubanos. Nelson Mándela dijo que estas épicas cubanas derrotaron
el mito de la invencibilidad del gobierno de supremacía blanca en Sur
África.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></i></span></b></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-bidi-font-style: italic; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Los imperios clásicos antes del desarrollo
del capitalismo como formación global ejercían su control político a través de la
fuerza militar directa para extraer tributo de las naciones o regiones
colonizadas. Los romanos permitían en gran medida que sus súbditos mantuvieran
sus culturas y estructuras políticas siempre y cuando tuvieran líderes que
mantuvieran sus poblaciones sometidas al imperio. Los musulmanes, luego de la
conquista de España en el 711, tampoco tenían la práctica extendida de forzar a
las poblaciones conquistadas a convertirse a la religión y cultura islámica. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Los imperios modernos, aquellos posteriores a
la conquista de las Américas por España, comenzando en el 1492, siguieron el
modelo desarrollado por los españoles en los últimos años que precedieron a la
colonización de las Américas.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Este
modelo de colonización fue desarrollado en los últimos años de la “Reconquista”
cuando desarrollaron instituciones tales como la encomienda y la inquisición
para controlar, reprimir y luego expulsar a los nuevos súbditos musulmanes. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Motivados por su afán de crea una nación e
identidad culturalmente homogénea impusieron su cultura religión y lenguaje a
las poblaciones conquistadas y este proceso y práctica fue utilizado en las
Américas en la colonización de los indígenas. Este modelo fue utilizado también
por los Estados Unidos en la construcción de su imperio, aunque la práctica se
escondía bajo la fachada de la construcción de una nación democrática. </span><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">El imperialismo norteamericano comenzando en el siglo
XIX de forma sistemática, imponía su cultura y memoria histórica a las poblaciones
de los territorios conquistados. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Comenzando
con las naciones indígenas los Estados Unidos creó instituciones para
desconectar a las poblaciones conquistadas de sus orígenes, religión y memoria
colectiva. En su lugar, impuso el inglés como la lengua vernácula y su
particular visión de mundo. Para mantener su hegemonía y control de su
población también creó todo un proceso para perpetuar la idea de que los
Estados Unidos eran un ejemplo excepcional de una nación democrática y no
imperial. Parte de este proceso era demostrar (o imponer) ideas sobre la
superioridad de su cultura y visión de mundo. Este conjunto de instituciones y
valores culturales reprodujo en los procesos políticos, educativos, y los medios
de comunicación la narrativa imperial y la particular forma en que condujo su
política extranjera frente a sus rivales mundiales. </span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Un ejemplo clásico de cómo estas instituciones continúan
operando para mantener la cohesión ideológica y cultural entre la población
norteamericana se revela cuando se examina la política extranjera de los
Estados Unidos durante la guerra fría y en particular en su relación de
constante conflicto político con la revolución cubana. La muerte reciente del
revolucionario Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela ha revelado a los extremos a los que
llegan estos procesos ideológicos para mantener una visión de mundo cohesiva que
no lleve al resquebrajamiento de la hegemonía de la elite estadounidenses sobre
las grandes mayorías de ese país. La mentira y la distorsión histórica son
herramientas políticas para mantener a los norteamericanos y sus sujetos
coloniales ignorantes de los procesos imperiales que afirman e imponen su
hegemonía ideológica y contribuye a problematizar la posibilidad de la
liberación política y cultural al interior del imperio y en las colonias. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">La sorpresa y el horror que le causó a los norteamericanos el saludo de
Raúl Castro y Obama durante las exequias de Nelson Rolihlahla “Madiba” Mandela
en Sur África, son el resultado de los esfuerzos consciente e inconscientes de
los forjadores de la narrativa norteamericana en los Estados Unidos de
reescribir la historia de la relación de los Estados Unidos con Cuba y el Sur
de África. La diplomacia imperial norteamericana siempre ha estado representada
en un ropaje moral en donde los EUA representan el bien frente al mal en un
mundo maniqueo. Para lograr esto, como describió Noam Chomski, las capas altas
de la sociedad capitalista controlan los medios de producir ideas, visiones de
mundo y contribuyen a determinar lo que muchos consideran normal. Usualmente,
con sus excepciones, los medios de comunicación y distribución de información
proveen los marcos de referencia los cuales son utilizados por grandes sectores
de la población para encontrarle sentido a la realidad. La realidad y las
narrativas históricas son aceptada por las grandes mayoría si encajan con su
visión de mundo y de lo que es razonable dentro de una realidad histórica
concreta. Esto se logra, no solo con información sino también con la falta de
información. Hay veces que la ausencia tiene más poder formativo que la misma
presencia de información. Como decía el Pan Africanista Steve Biko
parafraseando a Franz Fannon, “la mente del oprimido es el arma más poderosa de
los opresores.” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>El consentimiento a la
opresión es producto de la falta de una narrativa histórica que contradiga la
propaganda diseminada de los medios de información. Es por esta razón que los
imperios modernos borran la historia de las poblaciones conquistadas para que
no tengan los recursos que la memoria colectiva le provee a grupos oprimidos
para retar la distorsión creada por las instituciones imperiales. No es una
coincidencia que la primera revolución en las Américas, luego de la
norteamericana, se diera en Haití en 1791. Las fuerza Haitianas que derrotaron
a las fuerzas francesas de napoleón Bonaparte, estaban mayormente conformado de
Africanos que habían nacido en África y quienes estaban aún inmersos en sus
culturas étnicas particularmente en sus culturas guerreras y religiosas. Esa
historia por ejemplo ha sido escondida y borrada de las narrativas a las que
tienen acceso la mayoría de los norteamericanos como muy bien has descrito el
antropólogo Haitiano Michel-Rolph Troillot.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>El desconocimiento de esta y otras historias tiene dos funciones:
primero, contribuye a afirmar y reproducir la falta de un sentido de poder de
los oprimidos a la vez que permite la exaltación del opresor, segundo, parafraseando
al historiador radical norteamericano Howard Zinn, evita que esas memorias permitan
la revuelta que está a flor de piel.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;"> Es impresionante
que a pesar de la obsesión norteamericana contra la revolución Cubana, obsesión
que aqueja a la cultura popular y diplomática norteamericana, el rol
independiente de los cubanos en la liberación de África pasó casi desapercibido
excepto en los sectores de la diplomacia e inteligencia norteamericana.
Gleijeses revela que a pesar de que sectores de la inteligencia norteamericana
sabían que Cuba no era una marioneta soviética, públicamente esa era la visión
que se representaba en el mundo de la política y los medios estadounidenses. Los
cubanos empezaron su rol internacionalista en África temprano en los 1960s. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>La Unión Soviética no apoyaba estas acciones
de los cubanos y de hecho Raúl Castro, jefe de las FAR pensaba que “si ellos
(URSS) nos dieran consejos estarían interviniendo en nuestros asuntos
internos.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Este sentido de independencia
de los cubanos fue fortalecido por la acción de la Unión Soviética durante la
crisis de los misiles en octubre 1962 cuando negoció a espaldas de los cubanos
y accedió a retirar los misiles soviéticos sin consultar con el gobierno
revolucionario. Ya la determinación de desarrollar una política internacional
distinta de los regímenes burocráticos socialistas de Europa tuvo su prueba
cuando Angola se preparó a constituir un estado independiente luego del colapso
de la dictadura portuguesa durante la rebelión de los militares en Portugal
contra el régimen fascista.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Angola, un país de 6 millones de habitantes con una población de 320,000
blancos libraba una cruenta lucha de liberación contra Portugal desde el 1961.
La revolución militar del Movimiento de las Fuerzas Armada (MFA) portuguesas en
1975 derrocó al gobierno “Nuevo Estado” fascista que era el gobierno
dictatorial más antiguo de Europa y quien mantenía su imperio a través de una
cruenta represión en las colonias y en la nación. La revolución de los
“Claveles” llevó al desmantelamiento de la guerra colonial portuguesa y al
inicio de la descolonización en Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique y Angola entre otras
colonias portuguesas. En el caso de Angola, rica en petróleo gracias al enclave
de Cabinda, la retirada de los ejércitos portugueses y la independencia de
Angola en 1975 fue seguida de una guerra civil entre las guerrillas que habían
conducido la guerra de liberación. Las Fuerzas Nacionales por la Liberación de
Angola (FNLA) dirigida por Roberto Holden, la Unión Nacional Por la
Independencia Total de Angola (UNITA) dirigida por Jonás Savimbi y el
Movimiento Popular por la Liberación de Angola (MPLA) dirigido por Agostinho
Neto se enfrascaron en la primavera en una guerra fratricida. Cada grupo
representaba distintas etnias de la nación angolana pero el MPLA era el más grande
y diverso ya que su plataforma estaba basada en la lucha de clases lo que le
dio más amplitud de apoyo de diversos grupos a través de la nación Angolana. El
MPLA, influenciado por el marxismo también tenía blancos en sus huestes a la
vez que tenían un buen número de cuadros con educación universitaria. </span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Aprovechando las divisiones entre las fuerza de liberación los Estados
Unidos y Sur África comenzaron a enviar apoyo material a ambos grupos el FNLA
de Holden y UNITA de Savimbi. Los Sur Africanos querían mantener su dominio
regional en Sur África el cual era esencial para mantener el Apartheid.
Pretoria no confiaba en el MPLA de Neto pues sabía que estos apoyaban el
desmantelamiento de los sistemas coloniales y raciales en el cono sur de África
y apoyaban el Congreso Nacional Africano (CNA) dirigido por Nelson
Mándela.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>El MPLA, apoyado por la Unión Soviética
representaba un peligro para la dominación ilegal que Sur África mantenía sobre
Namibia. La Organización de la Naciones Unidas (ONU) había llegado a un acuerdo
para celebrar elecciones en el territorio que anteriormente era controlado por
los alemanes. Este acuerdo fue ignorado por Pretoria a la vez que manipulaba
organizaciones dentro del territorio. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ambos,
el FNLA y UNITA habían logrado acuerdos de coexistencia con Pretoria por lo que
no constituían un reto al sistema de Apartheid. Los norteamericanos, por su
lado, envueltos en la guerra fría seguían la política elaborada el departamento
de estado bajo Henry Kissinger. El objetivo de la política extranjera era la de
evitar que el MPLA subiera al poder aun cuando sabían que el MPLA no iba a
afectar los intereses económicos y estratégicos de los Estados Unidos. El FNLA
era descrito como una organización totalmente corrupta por el Cónsul General de
los Estados Unidos en Luanda, la capital de Angola. Y Jonás Savimbi era un
guerrero sediento de poder dispuesto a sacrificar su gente para lograr sus
objetivos. </span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">En agosto de 1975 los primeros instructores militares cubanos llegaron a
Angola. Los soviéticos solo ofrecían un tímido apoyo pues no querían afectar
las negociaciones de reducción de armas nucleares con los Estados Unidos (SALT
II) y además desconfiaban de Agostinho Neto el líder del MPLA.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Neto era un intelectual, poeta y muy
independiente a la vez que autoritario. Pero en Septiembre Washington y
Pretoria estaban preocupados porque el MPLA estaba ganando la guerra
civil.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Esto no se debía a la ayuda
militar cubana (aunque habían tropas cubanas en el país), ni a su poderío
militar ya que el FNLA y UNITA estaban mejor equipados por los sur africanos y
norteamericanos. Según el director de la estación de la Agencia Central de
Inteligencia en Luanda el MPLA era más “efectivo, mejor educado, mejor
entrenado y más motivado.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Washington
urgió a Pretoria que interviniera en la guerra civil para cambiar su
curso.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>El 13 de octubre 1975 las Fuerzas
Armadas Sur Africanas invadieron Angola desde Namibia donde estaban sus bases. En
su camino hacia la capital Luanda, las fuerzas del MPLA no pudieron resistir el
avance del ejército más poderoso y mejor equipado de África. Además del apoyo
económico y militar de los Estados Unidos, Pretoria sostenía una relación muy
cercana con el estado de Israel quien también apoyaba a Sur áfrica
políticamente (contactos con los congresistas en los EUA)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>y con equipo militar (que a su vez había
recibido de los EUA).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Neto había pedido
ayuda a Cuba para resistir el ataque Sur Africano (aunque los creadores de los
mitos en los Estados Unidos han escrito que los cubanos llegaron primero y que
los Sur Africanos intervinieron después) y el 4 de Noviembre de 1975 Fidel
Castro envía tropa cubanas a Angola. </span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Las tropas cubanas aunque inferiores en número (transportar tropas a
través del Atlántico fue una épica histórica para un país pequeño como Cuba)
lograron detener la avanzada militar del ejército sur africano. Según el
historiador oficial Sur Africano de la guerra profesor F. J. du Toit Spies,
“los soldados cubanos raramente se rendían, combatían alegremente hasta la
muerte.” Los Estados Unidos preocupado por los acontecimientos se distanciaron
de Sur África y condenaron la invasión que ellos mismos habían promovido.
Pretoria, aislado internacionalmente, a través de su ministro de defensa criticó
a los Estados Unidos por haberlos conminado a invadir y luego abandonarlos
frente a la opinión pública mundial.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>El
26 de marzo 1976, empujados por las tropas cubanas y estando aislados de la
opinión pública mundial, los sur africanos se retiraron de Angola y regresaron
a sus bases en Namibia. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Como explica Gleijeses, la humillación sufrida por los Estados Unidos y
su subalterno Sur áfrica,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>llevaron a los
portavoces del departamento de estado norteamericano de utilizar el mito de la
guerra fría para representar a Cuba como una marioneta de la política exterior
soviética. De esta forma la derrota no era producto de un pequeño país sino la
responsabilidad de otro poder mundial europeo. Pero, como la Agencia Central de
Inteligencia reveló en el 1981, la operación cubana fue unilateral y realizada
de forma apresurada. Más tarde, aun el mismo Henry Kissinger tuvo que admitir
que el apoyo internacionalista de Cuba no fue forzado por los soviéticos ni fue
hecho para pagar por el apoyo económico y militar de la URSS.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Lo que motivó a los cubanos, en particular a
Fidel Castro era la auto defensa de Cuba y un sentido de misión revolucionaria
de apoyar las luchas de liberación anti imperialistas. Cuba no recibió
beneficios económicos de la gestión, solo prestigio y el agradecimiento de los
países Africanos a los que contribuyó su apoyo a su libertad. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Otro factor que resulta claro de la investigación y evidencia encontrada
por Gleijeses en los centenares de documentos a los que tuvo acceso, es que los
cubanos no eran un ejército mercenario contrario a lo que los propagandistas
norteamericanos y la derecha del exilio cubano han tratado de propagar. Cuba
siempre le ofreció al gobierno de Angola retirar sus tropas cuando así lo
quisieran los Angolanos. De hecho, sorprende saber, a pesar de los mitos
creados por la maquinaria propagandística norteamericana que Cuba no recibió
pago por el rol de las tropas en Angola. De hecho, relata Fidel que en
ocasiones, habían enviado un buque mercante con comida para tres meses y al mes
ya se había terminado porque los cubanos terminaban alimentando también a los
Angolanos. Los cubanos siempre fueron muy cuidadosos de asegurarse que su
participación en la guerra era una de proteger a Angola de la violación de las
fronteras por Sur África y no de intervenir en la guerra civil a favor de uno u
otro bando. Aunque hubo excepciones, los cubanos entrenaban las fuerzas armadas
de Angola (Fuerzas Populares de Angola—FAPLA) pero evitaban participar en
acciones militares de la guerra civil. Esto era la política cubana a pesar de
las muchas presiones de los Angolanos a que participaran en la lucha contra,
particularmente, la UNITA.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Las tropas cubanas
permanecieron en Angola hasta la segunda invasión de Sur África y su
participación fue determinante en la liberación de Namibia y el desplome del
Apartheid en Sur África. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>De hecho, desde
el 1976 hasta el 1978 fueron gradualmente removidas las tropas cubanas, luego
de la primera derrota de Sur África, hasta que solo permanecieron los
instructores militares cubanos. Los Angolanos pidieron que los médicos cubanos
permanecieran dado el pobre estado de la infraestructura de salud de Angola. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Otra acción militar importante en la cual los combatientes cubanos
participaron fue en Etiopia. En el 1978, a la vez que las tropas cubanas se
retiraban de Angola Somalia en el Cuerno de África invadió la región de Ogaden
en Etiopia. Mengistu, el líder etíope les pide ayuda a los cubanos.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Los cubanos ayudaron a derrotar las fuerzas
invasoras de Somalia. Paralelo a la guerra con Somalia en Eritrea habían
comenzado una guerra de independencia contra el estado Etíope<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>y aunque Mengistu pidió la ayuda de las
tropas cuban para reprimir la rebelión de los Eritreos <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>los cubanos establecieron clara reglas para su
participación militar. Las tropas cubanas no reprimirían a los Eritreos,
anteriormente los cubanos, cuando Etiopia estaba bajo el dictador Haile
Selassie estos habían ayudado a los Eritreos. Luego que el gobierno
inicialmente progresista de Mengistu subiera al poder Cuba se negó a intervenir
en los asuntos internos de ese país. Mucho personal médico ayudó a la
reconstrucción del sistema de salud. De hecho en el 1991 el gobierno etíope construyó
un monumento a los 163 soldados cubanos que murieron en la defensa de la
soberanía de la nación etíope. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Otro mito que los propagandistas de la guerra fría habían elucubrado,
era que estos soldados eran conscriptos, casi esclavos serviles obligados a
servir en África. De forma similar hoy día desde Miami a Washington los esfuerzo
contemporáneos de los médicos internacionalistas de Cuba son caracterizados en
la prensa norteamericana como trata de esclavos profesionales. Los soldados
cubanos eran voluntarios, algunos decidían servir de nuevo luego de sus dos
años de servicio. Su salario se le pagaba a quien el soldado designara. De
forma similar se bregó con el personal médico, solo los oficiales estaban
asignados.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">La segunda etapa de la guerra contra Sur África se dio en el 1987 y
termino en 1988 con la victoria Cubana sobre las fuerzas de la Fuerzas De
Defensa Sur Africanas (FDSA).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Entre los
soviéticos y los cubanos existieron serias diferencias sobre estrategia
militar. Por ejemplo, en el 1985 las Fuerzas Armadas Para la Liberación de
Angola (FAPLA) lanzaron una gran ofensiva desde Cuito Cuanavale hasta Mavinga
en la región este del país cerca de la frontera con Namibia, la idea era montar
un ataque a Jamba que era la base militar principal de Jonás Savimbi y UNITA.
Esta ofensiva era promovida por los soviéticos y los Angolanos aceptaron la
estrategia. Era tentador pensar que podrían darle un golpe mortal a las fuerzas
de la UNITA. Los cubanos, sin embargo desde el principio no estuvieron de
acuerdo. El Coronel General Konstantin Kurochkin jefe de las fuerzas soviéticas
había tenido un rol destacado en la guerra en Afganistán por lo que los
Angolanos tomaban muy en serio sus consejos. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Por otro lado el General Polo Cintra Frías, jefe de las fuerzas cubanas
desde el 1983 no estaba de acuerdo con la estrategia de Konstantin y
sostuvieron discusiones en ocasiones acaloradas sobre los méritos de un ataque
a través de Mavinga. Esa área del este estaba casi desierta no tenía ningún
valor económico y además estaba muy cerca de Namibia donde los sur africanos
tenia bases aéreas lo que le daba supremacía aérea en toda la zona. Las FAPLA
no tenían equipo, ni aviones ni baterías anti-aéreas, para repeler un ataque
aéreo. Además, para suplir las tropas era necesario transitar una distancia
larga desde donde los cubanos tenían su línea de defensa. Según los angolanos Kurochkin
tenía una perspectiva muy académica basada en su experiencia en la Segunda
Guerra Mundial. Su conocimiento sobre la guerra de guerrillas era limitado. Kurochkin
se quejó de Polo en Moscú y La Habana pero Polo, apoyado por Fidel se mantuvo
como dirigente de las fuerzas cubanas hasta el 1986. Durante este periodo los
soviéticos y los cubanos tuvieron que aguantar las acciones intempestivas del
nuevo presidente Angolano Eduardo Dos Santos luego de la muerte de Nieto en el
1979.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Dos Santos había comenzado una
negociaciones con Washington y Pretoria sin informar a sus aliados soviéticos y
cubanos.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Durante todo este tiempo Kurochkin siguió urgiendo el ataque a Jamba a
través de Mavinga por las fuerzas del FAPLA, esta acción tendría que comenzar
desde el pequeño pueblo de Cuito Cuanavale que era la única población cercana
con un rudimentario aeropuerto.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Entonces
las fuerzas de la FAPLA tendrían que atravesar 200 kilómetros por caminos
rústicos hasta Mavinga en un área controlado por las fuerzas de la UNITA. Los
cubanos preferían que las FAPLA atacaran a UNITA en las regiones centrales de
Angola que eran las más importantes en términos económicos para la nación.
Jorge Risquet, dirigente del Partido Comunista Cubano le informó al jefe militar
soviético General Varennikov que Raúl Castro, ministro de defensa de Cuba creía
que no era conveniente enviar las fuerzas de la FAPLA a la región este pues ya
anteriormente en diciembre del 1983, una maniobra similar sugerida por los
soviéticos llevó a la derrota de las FAPLA porque las FDSA tenían superioridad
aérea en la región. Los soviéticos y los cubanos, como asesores militares de
los angolanos se mantuvieron debatiendo esta acción con el jefe del estado
mayor de la FAPLA, Ndalu, el jefe de las fuerzas armadas de Angola (y quien
había estudiado en Cuba) estaba de acuerdo con la perspectiva del general
cubano Polo Cintra Frías de una guerra de contra insurgencia. Pero los
angolanos estaban presionados por la realidad de que la mayor parte de las armas
provenían de los soviéticos lo que les daba a los soviéticos una gran
influencia en las decisiones. Fidel Castro dijo en una ocasión que los
soviéticos planeaban sus acciones militares como si estuvieran en el teatro
europeo y no en una guerra en las selvas africanas. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Al final de cuentas los Angolanos, asesorados por los soviéticos
decidieron lanzar una ofensiva contra la base central de UNITA en Jamba a
través de Mavinga en el este de África. Los angolanos fueron persuadidos porque
los soviéticos proveían los materiales de guerra y además <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>la ilusión de poder destruir de un golpe la
base central de la UNITA era bastante seductora para los angolanos. La ofensiva
se llamó Segundo Congreso en honor al congreso del MPLA, pero tal y como habían
advertido los cubanos la acción resulto un desastre para los angolanos.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Los cubanos habían advertido que estos
retiraron sus tropas pues no estaban de acuerdo en participar en una operación
militar que ellos consideraban aventurera e irresponsable.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Los cubanos no querían arriesgar más vidas
cubanas en una acción que consideraban temeraria e incorrecta desde el punto de
vista de estrategia militar. En agosto del 1985 cerca de 6,000 soldados
acompañados de 60 asesores militares soviéticos comenzaron la marcha desde
Cuito Cuanavale, pasando por Mavinga para lograr llegar a Jamba.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Las Fuerzas de Defensa de Sur África (FDSA)
utilizaron su fuerza aérea y la artillería dentro de Angola y atacaron
masivamente las FAPLA. El ministro de defensa sur africano Malan se escudó de
la realidad que las FDSA estaban dentro de Angola diciendo que meramente habían
estado persiguiendo las fuerzas de la organización guerrillera de Namibia, la
Organización Africana del Pueblo del Sur Oeste (SWAPO) del patriota Namibio Sam
Nujoma. Luego, Malan informó a la prensa que de hecho estaban ayudando a las
fuerzas de Jonás Savimbi (UNITA). Esto hizo oficial la intervención de Sur
África en la guerra civil de Angola. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A
pesar de la admisión de Malan, Jonás Savimbi, en una conferencia de prensa
alego que “ni un soldado sur africano está envuelto en Mavinga.” Savimbi en una
conferencia de prensa exhibió a un piloto angolano el cual le dijo a la prensa
que los sur africanos no estuvieron envueltos en la batalla. Además, soldados
de UNITA se tomaron fotos posando frente a equipo angolano destrozado asumiendo
poses de héroes.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Debido a que Namibia, ocupada por Sur África, estaba bajo la supervisión
de la ONU por <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>resoluciones que demandaban
de Sur África <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>que hubiera elecciones
para decidir su destino, los sur africanos manipulaban la opinión pública
internacional con el concurso de los Estados Unidos e Israel. A pesar de que la
Organización Africana del Pueblo del Sur Oeste (SWAPO) era reconocida por la Organización
de las Naciones Unidas como un movimiento liberador, las FDSA, conducían
ataques militares para destrozar sus bases militares dondequiera que
estuvieran. El consejo de seguridad de la ONU aprobó una medida criticando a
Sur África pero los Estados Unidos se abstuvieron de votar a favor de una
sección de la resolución donde les pedían a los miembros de la ONU que ayudaran
a reforzar militarmente a Angola contra la intervención de Sur África. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Las tropas de la FAPLA fueron derrotadas y forzadas eventualmente ser rescatadas
por otra brigada angolana y luego como sugerían los cubanos retirarse hasta
Cuito Cuanavale. Los soviéticos no permitieron que su fuerza aérea defendiera a
los angolanos pero enviaron helicópteros para rescatar a los asesores soviéticos.
La fuerza aérea cubana, muy lejos del escenario de guerra solo pudo defender a
los angolanos por limitado tiempo ya que la distancia solo le dejaba poco
combustible para contraatacar. A pesar de la situación precaria los asesores
soviéticos aun sugerían que después de recibir los pertrechos las brigadas
angolanas debían de resumir el ataque. Los cubanos sugirieron que se retiraran
hasta Cuito Cuanavale y que dejaran gran parte del equipo para aligerar su
movilización y así sucedió.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Los
soviéticos,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>entendieron que no había
alternativa y prometieron enviar más equipo al ejército de Angola incluyendo
baterías anti-aéreas. Los cubanos y la Agencia Central de Inteligencia
estuvieron de acuerdo en caracterizar el esfuerzo de las FAPLA como evidencia de
cómo las fuerzas habían mejorado su efectividad. La supremacía aérea sur
africana determinó la conclusión final de esta etapa de guerra. Más de 2,000
angolanos de los 6,000 que participaron en esta batalla perecieron. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Es interesante como en muchas ocasiones los cubanos incluyendo a Fidel
Castro trataron de explicarles a los soviéticos lo errado de su estrategia. Los
soviéticos querían crear un ejército convencional para lidiar en una guerra de
guerrillas. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Esto resultó en que había
dos ejércitos, uno convencional bien equipado pero sin estar desarrollando
experiencia en los campos de batalla y otro ejército mal equipado luchando la
guerra contra la UNITA. En una reunión que el nuevo ministro soviético de asuntos
extranjeros Shevardnadze en La Habana, Castro le explicó a Shevardnadze lo
erróneo de la estrategia militar soviética que había conducido al debacle en
Mavinga.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Fidel le dijo a Shevardnadze
que no fue la UNITA la que derrotó a la FAPLA sino que fue la fuerza aérea de
las FDSA. Continuó explicando que era necesario crear la fuerza y los recursos
para enfrentar al poderío sur africano. Para eso era necesario que los
soviéticos les proveyeran más Migs 25 y 29 a los cubanos para cambiar la correlación
de fuerzas. Estas conversaciones fueron seguidas por conversaciones entre los
militares cubanos Ulises y otros incluyendo a Risquet donde claramente
explicaron la necesidad de apertrechar la fuerza aérea cubana.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Luego en el 1986, Castro sostuvo una conversación con Gorbachov quien
había asumido las riendas de la Unión de Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas
(URSS).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Castro dijo “si ponemos fin a
las aventuras de Sur África en el sur de Angola, no solo será posible implementar
la resolución 435 (resolución de la ONU para proceso liberar Namibia) pero el
Apartheid colapsara.” Estas palabras de Fidel serian proféticas.
Lamentablemente, los soviéticos estaban sobre extendidos por la intervención
soviética en Afganistán así que no pudieron proveer de inmediato lo que Cuba requería.
También los soviéticos temían que la pasión de los cubanos por la liberación de
África los llevaría a atacar a Sur África. Gorbachov en sus memorias escribió
que aun cuando Cuba ayudo a la URSS en su política extranjera “Castro siempre
mantenía su independencia.”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Al final del 1986, y a pesar de la derrota de Mavinga los soviéticos aun
deseaban una ofensiva masiva contra la UNITA. Kurochkin, el enviado del
secretario de defensa soviético Sokolov le dijo a Castro en una reunión en
Luanda, Angola que ellos querían una ofensiva y que le iban a proveer los
recursos necesarios (baterías anti aéreas etc.) a los angolanos para resistir
la fuerza aérea de la FDSA. Castro no quería que se enfrascaran en una batalla
en el este donde estaba la base de UNITA en Jamba, sino en el suroeste para
enfrentarse al ejército sur africano. Castro había dicho que el objetivo no
debía ser Namibia sino el apartheid. Los soviéticos seguían en su posición
preocupados por sus relaciones con los Estados Unidos. Los cubanos siempre
fueron persistentes en sus diálogos con los soviéticos al punto que algunos de
los jefes militares soviéticos se sentían “irritados” por la persistencia
cubana.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">La intervención militar de la Unión Soviética en Afganistán, los cambios
que empezaban a darse al interior de la URSS, la preocupación de los Soviéticos
por sus relaciones con los Estados Unidos (la economía soviética estaba en
crisis) y la falta de experiencia de los estrategas militares rusos (comparado
a los cubanos) limito e impidió una ayuda más consistente y eficaz al conflicto
en Angola. Después de un malogrado ataque a Mavinga que los cubanos no apoyaron
por considerarlo aventurero las FAPLA estuvieron en una mala situación cuando
se replegaron a Cuito Cuanavale. Cuito Cuanavale no era una gran ciudad era una
pequeña aldea con un aeropuerto pequeño y en malas condiciones. La 8va brigada
del FAPLA que escoltaba un convoy de municiones y comida para Cuito Cuanavale
fue terriblemente atacado por la fuerza aérea sur africana quien aún controlaba
el espacio aéreo.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Cuando arribaron a
Cuito al final del 1987 estaban tan desmoralizados que los asesores soviéticos
hacían planes para evacuar a sus asesores. En Diciembre 1987 llegaron los
primeros refuerzos cubanos 106 fuerzas especiales y 15 oficiales quienes de
inmediato comenzaron a reorganizar las tropas angolanas contribuyendo a
levantar la moral de los combatientes. Para enero del 1988 ya había 1,500
soldados cubanos. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: .5in;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">El mes de noviembre 1987, Fidel Castro había decidido lanzar la Maniobra
XXXI aniversario para cambiar el curso de la guerra en Angola. Cuba había
construido un aeropuerto en Menongue que le permitía a la fuerza aérea cubana
estar más cerca del escenario de batalla.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Aun cuando los pertrechos que los soviéticos habían prometido no habían
llegado, Fidel decidió que enviaría los mejores pertrechos, baterías anti
aéreas, pilotos y aviones con los que Cuba contaba. Los sur africanos pensaban
que el tiempo les favorecía pero esta movilización cubana cambio el escenario
de la guerra en Angola. La ruta desde Menongue hasta Cuito era la única vía
para abastecer a las tropas en Cuito y ahora con la supremacía aérea cubana la
vía de comunicación estaba asegurada. Como los MIGS cubanos protegían el área
la artillería poderosa de los sur africanos no podía atacar ya que se
convertían en un blanco de la muy efectiva fuerza aérea que Cuba había
desplegado en el sur de Angola. Desde diciembre las Fuerzas de la Defensa
Surafricana (SADF) había declarado en un informe que los Cubanos tenia
supremacía aérea. Aunque Gleijeses tuvo acceso a muchos documentos
desclasificados de Sur África aún no han desclasificado documentos relacionados
con este periodo. Los SADF a través del director de operaciones en Pretoria
alegaban que solo tenían 5,000 hombres desplegados en el área. Luego del
fracaso de la campaña dijeron que solo había 3,000 soldados envueltos en los
conflictos. Comoquiera eran las fuerzas convencionales más grandes que los SADF
habían utilizado en el conflicto. La falta de una victoria en Cuito Cuanavale
estaba afectando la moral de las tropas sur africanas. Otro asunto
desmoralizador era, de acuerdo con el Coronel Fred Rindle, el agregado militar
de la embajada sur africana en Washington D.C., la perdida de los “muchachos
blancos” estaba poniéndose insostenible políticamente. Las fuerzas del SADF
utilizaban oficiales blancos y algunas tropas de sur africanos negros pero era
le perdida de los blancos lo que preocupaba a Pretoria. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>Mientras tanto la moral de los
angolanos y los cubanos estaba muy altas. En una entrevista que realizo el
London Times un combatiente internacionalista cubano Ernesto Garcia Ramirez le
decía al periodista Jan Raath “contaba los días para estar de regreso en
Santiago de Cuba con su esposa y dos hijos” Pero añadió que “estaremos aquí
cuanto sea necesario pues esta es una causa justa.” La situación había mejorado
tanto para los cubanos y angolanos que el “U.S. Joint Chief of Staff” determino
que la situación para los sur africanos era difícil y que la superioridad aérea
de los cubanos era palpable y que se notaba la ausencia de la fuerza aérea de
SADF. Las fuerzas armadas de Sur África concluyeron lo mismo en un informe. </span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Aunque no hubo una batalla final en Cuito Cuanavale la derrota de Sur África
tuvo un poder simbólico para los africanos. Primero, la victoria cubana y su
supremacía aérea y segundo, la victoria defensiva de los cubanos y angolanos
manteniendo los sur africanos fuera de su área de control constituyeron
victoria psicológica para ellos y desmoralización para las SADF.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>El significado simbólico fue mejor descritos
por las palabras de Nelson Mandela “destruyo el mito de la invencibilidad del
opresor blanco... (Y) inspiró a las masa africanas en lucha en Sur África…Cuito
Cuanavale fue el punto de viraje para la liberación de nuestro continente---y
de mi pueblo---de la plaga del Apartheid.” </span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Pero fue la actividad militar de Cuba en el oeste del país lo que
intimidó a los sur africanos ya que no sabían si los cubanos tenían intenciones
de invadir a Namibia donde los sur africanos tenían sus bases militares. Esta
invasión no hubiera podido ser detenida ya que los cubanos habían movilizado
decenas de miles de combatientes equipo y ya era tropas con experiencia y
motivación. Se calcula que los cubanos tenían 40,000 tropas listas para la
acción de ser necesario. </span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Los Estados Unidos no querían que los cubanos participaron en las
negociaciones que se dieron para ultimar los detalles del fin de las
hostilidades. Chester Crocker, Secretario Auxiliar para Asuntos Africanos no
quería la participación de los cubanos pero tuvieron que acceder ya que los
angolanos coordinaron con los cubanos un frente común. Fidel siempre estuvo al
tanto de todos los procesos militares y diplomáticos.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Era como si él estuviera sentado en las
conversaciones en Angola o donde se dieran los conversatorios.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Las conversaciones diplomáticas que se dieron
en lugares distintos durante el proceso de negociación desde Luanda, Londres
Egipto etc. fue intenso.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Larry Napper,
Sub-Director de Asuntos Africanos en el Departamento de Estado de los Estados
Unidos caracterizó el esfuerzo diplomático de los cubanos: “Esta gente (los
cubanos) son sólidos como la roca. Fueron muy profesionales. Fueron fuertes,
duros como los clavos, y eran mantenidos muy controlados---no hacían una
decisión sin consultar a Fidel. Pero cuando se comprometían lo cumplían.” Un aspecto
interesante de este proceso es que a pesar de que la prensa caracterizaba a los
cubanos como marionetas de los soviéticos los cubanos exhibieron mucha
independencia. De hecho, cuando había la posibilidad de invadir a Namibia los
cubanos notificaron a los soviéticos poniéndolos al tanto de la situación pero
no en forma de consulta sino en forma de información. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Eventualmente la lucha popular dentro de Namibia, la presión militar de
Cuba y luego de la SWAPO de Sam Nujoma llevó a que las fuerzas de Sur África
dejaran el país. Aun el conservador <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Washington
Times</i> llegó a esta evaluación.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Pero
aun a estas alturas el imperio quería re-escribir la historia y borrar de la
memoria colectiva esta derrota del imperialismo. En un discurso de Ronald
Reagan en la Universidad de Virginia dijo que “la retirada de 50,000 efectivos
cubanos de Angola fue el resultado de la intervención norteamericana y el segundo
revés militar de Cuba desde la invasión norteamericana de Grenada en el
1983.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>El ministro de relaciones
extranjeras de Cuba Isidoro Malmierca respondió “La historia establecerá… el
verdadero significado del marco de los acuerdos que han sido firmado
independientemente de las mentiras y distorsiones que podemos esperar.” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">El 25 de mayo de 1991 el último grupo de tropas cubanas llegaron a La
Habana donde recibieron un recibimiento de héroes. El legado del esfuerzo
cubano lego una Namibia libre, en las elecciones el partido de San Nujoma SWAPO
gano 57.3 por ciento mientras que los opositores del pro-sur africano Partido Alianza
Turnhalle perdió con 28.6 por ciento. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>También
aseguró la independencia de Angola ya que en las elecciones del 1992 las
fuerzas angolanas de la UNITA bajo Jonás Savimbi fueron derrotadas. MPLA
recibió el 53.74 de los votos mientras que UNITA solo recibió el 34.10 por
ciento. Luego Savimbi perdió el apoyo norteamericano y luego de otro limitado
conflicto militar iniciado por Savimbi al no aceptar el resultado de las
elecciones perdió su escasa influencia. Savimbi murió de causas naturales en el
2002. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Piero Gleijeses trata de elucidar cual fue la motivación de los cubanos
y Fidel para embarcarse en un conflicto tan riesgoso como el de Angola.
Encontró que la inteligencia norteamericana evaluó correctamente, ya que según
el director de la Junta<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Nacional de
estimados de la Agencia Central de Inteligencia en el 1963 dijeron que Castro
“es primero que todo un revolucionario.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Henry Kissinger por otro lado dijo que Castro había enviado la tropas a
Cuba porque era probablemente el más genuino revolucionario en el poder.”
Castro “le da particular importancia a mantener una política extrajera con integridad
y principios.” No es que la “política no tenga contradicciones…pero en
cuestiones de importancia básica como el derecho y el deber de apoyar
movimientos nacionalistas revolucionarios y gobiernos amigos en el tercer
mundo, Castro no permite transar por ventajearías económicas o políticas.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Pocos conocen la
magnitud del esfuerzo cubano, pero en el Mural de la Libertad en Sur África los
únicos nombres de combatientes extranjeros son los nombres de los
internacionalistas que ofrendaron su sangre por la libertad en Angola. </span></div>
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Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-9300395345149330232014-02-15T12:00:00.000-08:002014-02-15T12:00:01.145-08:00Puerto Rico and Wall Street’s 21st Century Debt Peonage Imperialism<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<br />
<br />
February 2014<br />
<br />
Puerto Rico and Wall Street’s 21st Century Debt Peonage Imperialism<br />
<br />
Victor M. Rodriguez, Professor, California State University, Long Beach<br />
<br />
Puerto Rico is usually thought of as a tourism destination or is usually invisible in the U.S. media. In recent times, its fiscal and economic crisis has led to inaccurate comparisons with Detroit or Greece whose fiscal crisis have attracted much media attention. As usual, the mainstream press looks at the illness without looking at the root causes. And the comparisons are usually risky because they tend to ignore history and the nuances of each case. Unfortunately for Puerto Rico, its fuzzy political relationship with the United States is always described with euphemisms (“Commonwealth”) in order to avoid the undeniable truth: Puerto Rico is a colonial possession of the United States in the 21st century. The colonial model that was developed after World War II is entering a stage of complete collapse and the colonial government has few alternatives to repair the economic crisis. But the United States, like an alcoholic has always been in denial of the fact that a democratic nation has colonies. But in Puerto Rico the wall of denials is cracking and threatening to impact the U.S economy and national security. <br />
<br />
History<br />
One outcome of the “splendid little war” of 1898, the Cuban-American-Spanish war was the transfer of Puerto Rico, Cuba and the Philippines as part of the Treaty of Paris. No representatives from these nations were present in the treaty process. Spain “ceded” Puerto Rico to the United States. Puerto Rico then became an “unincorporated territory of the United States “or to use the phrase of Justice Edward Douglas White in his Downes v. Bidwell decision in 1901 “Porto Rico was not a foreign country, since it was owned by the United States, it was foreign to the United States in a domestic sense, because the island had not been incorporated into the United States but was merely appurtenant thereto as a possession.” In other words, it belongs to but it is not part of the United States (this court also decided the 1896 Plessy v. Ferguson “Separate but Equal” Decision). Its residents after 1917 became citizens of the United States under the Jones Act (their Puerto Rican citizenship was eliminated) but the statutory nature of the citizenship has created a second class citizenship status for Puerto Ricans. In another decision the Supreme Court in Balzac v. Porto Rico (1922) said that the bill of rights does not pertain to Puerto Ricans. They do not pay Federal Income taxes but they can be drafted in times of war. They also cannot vote for the commander in chief, the president of the United States. Because of the statutory nature of its citizenship a Puerto Rican born in the island cannot be president of the United States (although this has not been firmly decided by the Supreme Court where a Puerto Rican woman, Sonia Sotomayor now serves). If islanders want to increase the level of their citizenship they must travel to the United States mainland and participate in the electoral process there. Close to 5 million Puerto Ricans live in the mainland already while only 3.6 million live in the island proper. <br />
The awkward status of the island is the outcome of misgivings U.S. congress had in incorporating a nation where a majority of the population was considered non-white. Most of the territories conquered by the United States (with the exception of the Philippines and Cuba) became territories (the track toward possible statehood) and their final entry was finally determined by their racial demography. New Mexico, for example, although the Mexican American War ended in 1848 did not become a state until 1912, while California became a state in 1850. The determinant factor in the different time of admission for both is that by 1850 whites were the dominant group in California. New Mexico, on the other hand had, while it still had a significant Mexican American population by 1912 the white population (and their control of the economy) had become sufficiently large to allay some of the congressional fears. The cases of Hawaii and Alaska occurred after World War II when the racial issue while still pertinent was less determinant in the process because there was a significantly large white population in both territories. To not grant statehood would have created two large populations of white second class citizens. <br />
Puerto Rico, on the other hand by the end of the Spanish American War already had a population of one million inhabitants, so changing the racial demography of the island would have been a massive process of ethnic cleansing. The bringing of white settlers and the promotion of the massive emigration of Puerto Ricans would have been too controversial. However, population control efforts were carried out in Puerto Rico by the colonial government coupled with the promotion of emigration and the recruitment of workers for sugar plantations of Hawaii and the agricultural fields in the Northeast of the United States. These early immigrants are the pioneers who created the Puerto Rican communities that persist today in the United States. By 1930, more than 52,000 resided in the U.S. But the process of emigration was not sufficient to diminish the population significantly since the birth rate was quite high. In fact, the population of Puerto Rico has always shown natural growth in each of the decennial census the U.S. Bureau of the Census has carried out in the island. But recently, a new population phenomena is taking place in Puerto Rico.<br />
<br />
Declining Population<br />
For the first time since 1898 the population of Puerto Rico has suffered a decline. According to the U.S. Census Bureau the island’s population has declined from 2010 (last decennial census) through 2013. An analysis performed by the Center of Puerto Rican Studies (2014) indicates that the population of Puerto Rico declined from 3,721,208 in 2010 to 3,615,086 in 2013. A decline rate of 1 per cent per year while at the same time the natural growth of the population has declined 13 per cent between 2012 and 2013. It is estimated also that 500,000 Puerto Ricans have emigrated in the last decade. Just in the state of Florida an estimated 900,000 Puerto Reside. In fact, in the 2012 elections President Obama received the electoral votes of this states thanks to the Puerto Rican vote which nationally voted 83 per cent for Democrats. <br />
But the emigration is having other consequences in the island. The island’s population is becoming older which together with the fiscal crisis that it is facing are creating a climate of uncertainty among its population. While there is a small flow of immigrants to the island their demographic characteristics compound the problem. The median age of the population of return migrants is 33 years and the median age of those who leave is 29 years so the median age of the island population will likely increase from the present 38.2 years. As the dependency ratio increases (ratio between the young and the old population) it will mean a smaller working class to maintain the increasingly growing retired elderly population. This is becoming a core problem which has resulted in some drastic reforms by the colonial government of the public pension systems of teachers and public workers. Both system have an actuarial deficit of $45 billion according to the government. Teachers engaged in limited strikes and protests because of the dramatic reduction in their pensions. This reduction in benefits has also induced many teachers to emigrate. <br />
But despite the myths that abound in the media there is not a massive “brain drain” occurring in the emigration flow. In fact, most of the emigrants are less educated than the non-emigrant population according to a study covering 2000-2011 by Kurt Birson of the Center for Puerto Rican Studies of Hunter College, CUNY. While there are a significant number of professionals among the emigrants, only 15 per cent hold a bachelor’s degree and 5 per cent a graduate degree, a slightly smaller representation than the non-emigrant population. The emigrants are however younger and made up of more blue-collar workers than their counterparts who stayed in the island. Given the state of the U.S. economy where low wage jobs are being produced in greater proportion than in previous decades the less educated emigrants are finding themselves stuck in low wage jobs and competing with foreign immigrant workers. But the anecdotal narratives carried by mainstream newspapers in the U.S. exacerbate and inflate the perception that most of those leaving are highly educated teachers, engineers, physicians etc. Already, the public school system has closed many elementary schools because of the decline in the birth rate. <br />
<br />
The Fiscal Debt of Puerto Rico<br />
In the meantime, as a result of the failure of the colonial system to provide the momentum for the economic development of the island, the colonial government, especially since the 1970s began to rely on debt to pay for basic public services and to pay for previous debt. Since last February 4, 2014, Standard & Poor’s, Moody’s and Fitch have downgraded its debt to junk status, brushing aside a series of austerity measures taken by the new governor which were considered necessary but only helped to avoid a further lowering of the credit rating. Also, despite the announced radical measures by the governor of Puerto Rico’s Governor Alejandro Garcia Padilla to reduce appropriations by $170 million and plans to have a balanced budget for 2015, Standard & Poor surmised that the government may have to return to the market to cover a 2015 deficit. This is a chaotic situation given that the public debt of Puerto Rico is $70 billion dollars or 102 per cent of the island’s GNP the highest of any state in the U.S. The debt income ratio is 83 per cent (Villamil, 2014) almost 14 times the same measure as New York, California or Illinois. The island is paying close to $3.7 billion a year to service the debt. To compound the situation the population is declining, the labor participation rate has declined to 41.3 per cent (one of the lowest in the world). In addition, the unemployment rate is 15.4 per cent, highest than any state of the U.S.<br />
<br />
Colonialism and the Failure of Economic Development<br />
<br />
The Achilles heel of any effort to heal Puerto Rico’s financial crisis is its inability to expand its economic growth in a self-sustaining way. While according to the governor there is an increase in revenues that may help the island avoid a deficit in 2015, the reality is that Puerto Rico decades ago chose a growth and not a developmental path that was limited by its colonial status. Puerto Rico cannot issue its own currency, because of cabotage laws enacted by Congress in 1920 Puerto Rican trade has to utilize the U.S. merchant marine, the most expensive and likely the most inefficient in the world. It is also unable to protect its local production because it does not have the power to raise tariffs. Its poultry sector, its agriculture, housing construction and even its once thriving banking sector are also in a crisis. Three major banks were liquidated by the FDIC. Puerto Rico also cannot enter into trade agreements with its neighbors directly it has to use the United States government as an intermediary. In fact, contrary to the experience of Detroit, Puerto Rico cannot go into bankruptcy. To add insult to injury, Puerto Rico’s constitution requires the government to pay general obligation bond holders before it fulfills other regular governmental obligations. In other words, services to the citizenry could be further cut to pay for its fiscal debt. At this point, with the reduction of the island’s credit rating even if they wanted they could not afford the higher interest rates that the markets have imposed. For many years Puerto Rico bonds did pretty well in the market offering higher interest rates than those bonds issues by states and municipalities in the U.S. The constitutional clause and the backing of the colonial government made these bonds very profitable to its buyers. For example California was paid 2.375 for its bonds while Puerto Rican bonds earned between 8 and 10% (2013). Now that bonds have been reduced to a junk status this source of income is almost closed to Puerto Rico. Finally, raising taxes in an already regressive tax system will only further accelerate the depressed economy. Puerto Rico’s economy, while the U.S. economy is enjoying a modest recovery, is in it eight recessionary year. Its GNP has been reduced by 15 per cent in real terms. <br />
<br />
<br />
The Genealogy of the Crisis<br />
<br />
Puerto Rico’s colonial governments have relied upon tax exemption benefits to muster economic growth since the failure of a modest import substitution effort in the 1940s. This effort was modeled on similar efforts in Latin America to develop industries that had some linkages to the local economy and that would reduce the dependency on imports. The intellectual template for this effort was the “Chardon Plan,” Carlos Chardon was the first Puerto Rican chancellor of the University of Puerto Rico (1931-35). In 1935 he developed the framework for what was to become the Puerto Rico Reconstruction Administration (PRRA) created by the Roosevelt administration to help solve some of Puerto Rico’s economic problems. The local government provided some resources and had the support of a progressive colonial administration under Governor Rexford G. Tugwell (1941-46) who was appointed governor of the island by President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. With government financing, publicly owned industries were created (like the Tennessee Valley Authority), enterprises like a glass bottle plant, a cement plant, a box carton plant and other agencies with the purpose of decreasing the reliance on imports, provide some resources for local industrial development and provide local employment. Most of the publicly owned initiatives were labor intensive. Unfortunately, management problems and political problems led to the eventual privatization of these enterprises. Politicians both in Puerto Rico and the U.S. had complained calling this a socialist experiment a complaint that resonated among conservative sectors in the U.S. <br />
<br />
The first effort after World War II to improve the economy was called “Operation Bootstrap” which was a misnomer because Puerto Rico was not pulling itself by the bootstraps instead it was relying on U.S. corporate investment in labor intensive light industry. Initially these enterprises provided significant local employment. However, because the colonial government provided generous tax incentives to these corporations it also reduced the tax revenues for basic services. While the tax incentives attracted corporate investment that increased employment the fiscal situation of the island remained under control. From 1950 to 1970 the model had some success in attracting U.S. capital because since U.S. workers had not been allowed to strike during World War II U.S. capital had accumulated huge profits during the war. Then after the war, since the traditional economic rivals of the United States, Japan and Germany had their industrial base demolished the U.S. became the dominant economic power. <br />
<br />
This unique combination of factors created a niche that helped Puerto Rico achieve some economic growth, however, no development. The income per capita in in the U.S. 1950 was $1,935 (Dietz, 2003) or six times larger than Puerto Rico’s. As the industrialization program developed under these conditions it achieved some success, by 1960 income per capita in the island had reached $723 and by 1970 it had doubled to $1,857. During a short period there was a convergence between the local economy and the U.S. For example, during the first two decades 1950-1970s the U.S. per capita gross domestic product (GDP) as a multiple of the island’s income was only four in 1960 ($2,915) and then in 1970 it was only 2.7 times ($5,050) greater than Puerto Rico’s (Dietz, 2003). The income convergence between the U.S. and Puerto Rico began to slow after 1970, and through 1990s remained virtually unchanged. But while in absolute terms there were increases in income, the position of the economy of the island relative to the United States remained static, the convergence ended. One factor that stabilized local income was the federal transfers to the island that began in 1975 when food stamps were approved for Puerto Rican residents. This infusion of money helped the commercial sector and brought many out of deep poverty. But in addition to the federal transfers one factor that aided in the reduction of poverty and the unemployment rate was the massive emigration of Puerto Ricans. The industrialization process included the overt and deliberate promotion of emigration to the United States as an escape valve. During the 1940s and 1950s Nationalist activism created fear of political disruption in Puerto Rico and the United States. In 1950s there was a Nationalist insurrection and in 1954 nationalists engaged in armed action against congress. <br />
<br />
The next phase of the Puerto Rican economy was primarily based on the changes in the Federal IRS code which created the 936 code in 1976 which allowed U.S. corporations to repatriate profits in Puerto Rico without paying federal taxes (in the form of a tax credit). The purpose of this tax code was to help “possessions” to bring external capital investment to increase employment and economic growth. Some amendments were made to the law in subsequent years which allowed corporations to also get tax credits from passive investment and intangibles like intellectual property of patents. In sum, a very generous tax scheme which resulted in the expansion of drug and pharmaceutical industries, medical instruments, high technology. Unfortunately, the contribution to employment in the island became expensive since in the late 80s the cost of creating one job was $70,000 in lost federal revenues for a job that paid $26,471 in wages in the pharmaceutical industry. <br />
<br />
The local government, in order to avail itself of some income from the tax exempt industries instituted a “tollgate tax” of 10 per cent for any repatriated profits. This money was to be invested in the local banks which provided a financial incentive to banks and increased the availability of loans and in some way promoted the consumerism which continues unabated even today. For many years, personal consumption in the island benefitted from this significant source of funds which were available to the banking sector. Puerto Ricans enjoyed very reasonable interests for consumer expenditures leading to one of the highest ratio of cars per 1,000 inhabitants in the world. These low interests which also extended to the mortgage market may also well be responsible for the real estate housing bubble that ensued. <br />
<br />
Because of the concern that the 1976 936 IRS code was too expensive for the U.S. Treasury and because it was not providing the level of employment that had been expected the Clinton administration in 1995 signed legislation which phased out the 936 code which was to end in 2005. Corporations would have to opt for other sections of the tax code so they could protect their profits. Some incorporated as “controlled foreign corporations” (CFC’s) which allowed the enterprises to receive tax benefits under the 901 IRS code which allowed corporations to get tax credits for their investment in foreign countries. Puerto Rico was considered a foreign country for tax purposes so many investors chose this avenue to protect their investment. Ironically, despite the fear that only tax incentives could provide the island with economic growth, the partial decline in the role of manufacturing in Puerto Rico predates the elimination of the 936 tax exemptions. Manufacturing, like in the United States already had begun to decline as a percentage of the island’s economy. In fact, from 1995 through 2000 employment grew in construction, trade and services and began to provide a greater proportion of the employment than manufacturing. These are also sectors of the economy with a greater role of local capital. The explanation for this is that since the 1970s Puerto Rico began to receive federal transfers like food stamps and other programs which maintained the consuming power of the population and reduced poverty. <br />
<br />
However, most of the external investment has resulted in the elimination of local capital and in a reduction in the tax revenues for government services. Also, as Dietz has indicated in previous work (1986) the Puerto Rican economic developmental model focused on growth but not on development. Puerto Rico was the model (which initially was showcased for other Latin American countries) for what in other countries, particularly Mexico are called “maquiladoras” which are basically assembly plants. The core problem of this model is that it creates an enclave with no forward or backward linkages to the local economy. The manufacturing plants are basically assembly plants that avail themselves of cheaper labor and then export their products. Since they use very few local inputs, their contribution to the local economy is relatively small since most of the inputs are also imported. These external inputs also negatively affects the trade balance.<br />
The other weakness of this model is that, even in the pharmaceutical and drug companies, which pay the highest salaries, they manufacture their products, also with external inputs, and then export them to the U.S. creating a “crisscross” process. Pharmaceutical products are exported directly to the U.S. and then exported back to the Puerto Rican consumers increasing prices for local consumers. Logically, there should be a direct sourcing of those products to local pharmacies and other commercial consumers but that is not the practice. <br />
<br />
In order to obtain some revenue from these newly incorporated “controlled foreign corporations” the colonial government instituted Law 154 to tax these corporations at a rate of 4 per cent, in an industry that has become addicted to low taxes this measure has not been received well. In 2012 the government received $1.8 billion dollars from this measure. A local economist Argeo Quiñones has argued that instead of this tax the government should legislate to increase the backward linkages of these enterprises. In other words to provide incentives so that they buy a higher percentage of their industrial inputs to infuse more money into the economy and further increase employment. Also, he suggests that pharmaceutical and drug companies should be forced to sell their products in the island to reduce the cost of drugs and other pharmaceutical products in the island. <br />
Because of the reliance on local tax exemptions, “controlled foreign corporations” are not subject to federal taxes and at times they sell their intellectual rights (like Microsoft USA) to their local foreign owned subsidiary (since Puerto Rico is foreign for tax purposes) and are able to save billions of dollar in the sales in the U.S. market. The Congress Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs (October 12, 2012), chaired by Senator Max Baucus found that: “In 2011, this corporate sleight of hand enabled Microsoft USA to shift 47 cent of every dollar in U.S. sales totaling $6 billion, to its Puerto Rican subsidiary, dodging payments of U.S. taxes on nearly half of its U.S. sales income.” <br />
The façade that attempts to hide Puerto Rico colonial status, the doublespeak that politicians engage in and the fiscal maneuvers that local and foreign corporations engage in to avoid paying taxes is accompanied by a high level of corruption at the highest levels of government. During the administration of former governor Pedro Roselló (2005-2009) close to 40 members of his administration were indicted for corruption, including the secretary of the department of education. This culture is reflected in the decline in labor participation rate and the paucity in tax collections. Recently, the local government reported that only half of income from the sales tax that had been implemented to augment revenue for government services and that was flowing into COFINA, (its Spanish acronym) Puerto Rico Sales Tax Financing Corporation, were received by the government. Although they were being collected by businesses, half of the businesses did not send the collections to the government. For years the government has had a serious problem in being able to get the tax revenue that is necessary to run the government and to provide incentives for the development of the economy. <br />
Also, the informal economy has grown to such an extent that some measure it as close to 30 per cent of the GNP, so despite the fact that income has fallen personal disposable income from 2007-2011 increased 0.7% The difference lies in federal transfers, which now not only include food stamps but Social Security, and also the underground drug economy. Federal transfers alone have increased from 6 per cent of personal income in the 1970s to 22 per cent today (Villamil, 2014). According to Estudios Técnicos , an important local economic planning and consulting firm, Puerto Rico is a transshipment point for drugs into the United States that brought in $5 billion in drug trafficking activity in Puerto Rico in 2011.This is 10 per cent of the island’s gross domestic product (GDP). While 7 per cent of the U.S. bound cocaine trafficking came through the Caribbean in 2011, 14 per cent came along this route in 2013. In tandem with the corruption, 8 year recession, lower labor participation rate crime, particularly murders, most related to the drug trafficking activity has reached dramatic levels. According to the World Bank in 2010 Puerto Rico’s per capita murder rate was higher than Mexico and 500 per cent higher than the U.S. mainland rate (Villamil, 2014). <br />
<br />
The Eternal Status Issue<br />
<br />
Politics in Puerto Rico, given its uncertain political relationship with the U.S. have always in one way or another revolved around the political status. The three main political parties represent each of the three formal positions: the governing Popular Democratic Party (PPD) represents the “Commonwealth”; the New Progressive Party represents statehood and Pro Independence Party represent independence. In the 1950s the first elected Governor of Puerto Rico, Luis Muñoz Marin and his Popular Democratic Party passed legislation like the “muzzle law” to suppress pro-independence dissent which was at its height during the 1940s-50s. They also contributed to the dismantling of the Central General de Trabajadores (CGT) the most power trade union federation in the nation which had a large number of socialist and pro-independence leaders. In a referendum in 1952 the PPD submitted Law 600 and a constitution which had been agreed with the United States (whether there were negotiations is matter of debate) for an improvement in the political relationship with the United States. A constitutional convention was organized and a constitution was drafted but it had to be approved by Congress. Some of the most progressive aspects of that draft were vetoed by congress. Only 54.7 per cent of the electorate participated, the lowest in any referendum over the status in the island. The United States then informed that Puerto Rico had exercised self-determination and the island was removed from the UN purview. A few years later the PPD wanted some cosmetic changes to the newly approved “status” in 1959 when the Fernós-Murray Bill was introduced in Congress. This bill like many other bills attempting some changes in the relationship have died in congress, the last effort was the Young Bill in 1998 which died in the Senate. Since 1952, Puerto Ricans have voted in non-binding referenda in 1967, 1993, 1998, in all the elections the “Commonwealth” has been chosen as the preferred option for Puerto Rico (always with some improvements) but congress has ignored the results. In 1998, as a protest because of the efforts of the New Progressive Status to not include the “Commonwealth” as an option, the vote was inconclusive. Most voters from pro-commonwealth to independence supporters voted for “none of the above “which received 53.7 per cent of the vote. But since 1967 the pro-statehood has increased in its support, although this has waned in the last decade. <br />
<br />
Recently, in 2012 the regular election included a referendum on Puerto Rico’s status. The referendum had two parts, one in which people had to choose whether they were satisfied with the present “territorial status” status, given the long term efforts to improve it the results of this vote were not a surprise. 54 per cent of the voters chose that they were not satisfied with the present colonial status. In the second part of the referendum people were given three choices but the present status of “commonwealth’ was not included. The purpose was to disperse the pro-commonwealth vote and highlight the pro-statehood vote. However, in protest for the language of the ballot the PPD asked its supporters to leave the ballots blank. In this round, while statehood received the highest percentage of the votes 44.4 per cent it is the lowest pro-statehood vote since 1998 and 1993. When the blank votes are added to the rest 54.7 per cent of voter rejected statehood. What is interesting is the high percentage of votes for the “Free Association” alternative (24.2%) which are the left of the PPD voters who reject the colonial status of the island. But in sum, these results have confused the issue for congress and while the Obama administration approved funding for another plebiscite and another bill is in Congress to ask voter “Yes or No” on statehood no reasonable observer expects any clear result from these efforts. <br />
<br />
Until Puerto Ricans are assured a clear path toward a status that allows them to have more control over their political and economic destiny, Puerto Rico will continue to fester and hundreds of thousands of island residents will vote with their feet against living under the oppressive conditions of its colonial status. Any plebiscite that is carried out in the island (or a constitutional assembly as the left proposes) is destined for failure unless Puerto Ricans are granted the power to decide their destiny and protect their economy. That can only happen under independence. Just like other colonies were able to have a transition period where economic and political adjustments could be made (including a decolonization fund to reconstruct the economy) many islanders will choose the underground economy. This will have dire consequences for all, Puerto Rico and the United States. <br />
<br />
Selected References<br />
<br />
<br />
1. James Dietz. Puerto Rico: Negotiating Development and Change. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2003<br />
2. Emilio Pantojas Garcia. “The Puerto Rico Status Question: Can The Stalemate Be Broken?” Caribbean Journal of International & Diplomacy. Vol. 1, No. 2 June 2013: pp. 41-52.<br />
3. Jose R. Villamil. “Why Puerto Rico’s Economy Matters for U.S. Security.” Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic & International Studies, January 2014. </div>
Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-76004026818746049632014-01-19T08:25:00.001-08:002014-01-20T06:49:02.865-08:00Martin Lutero King: creando otro mito<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Closing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 1"/>
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<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><b>"I am much more socialistic in my
economic theory than capitalistic."</b><br />
<b>The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.</b></span></i></div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<b>
</b><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: large;"><b><span lang="ES-PR" style="line-height: 107%;">Hay que r</span><span lang="ES-PR" style="line-height: 107%;">omper el mito para revelar la verdad histórica.</span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<b>
</b><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Victor M. Rodriguez</span></b></div>
<b>
</b><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">15 de enero 2014</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<b>
</b><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: small;"><b><span lang="ES-PR" style="line-height: 107%;">Hay tres formas de mantener el estatus quo: represión brutal
(la violencia lamentablemente funciona al menos inicialmente e.g. Indonesia,
Guatemala, Chile, los Estados Unidos) represión ideológica (demonizar todas las
ideas memorias y narrativas históricas que sean un atisbo a otra manera de construir,
reformar, estructurar la sociedad, esto lleva a un sentido de impotencia y de
auto destrucción a nivel individual y colectivo que perpetua el estado actual
de las cosas) y finalmente transformar los agentes transformadores en seres
extraordinarios, inalcanzables, sin macula, emasculando el potencial
transformador e inspirador de los seres ordinarios que actuaron de forma extra
ordinaria. </span></b></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><b>
</b></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><b>
</b></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: small;"><b><span lang="ES-PR" style="line-height: 107%;">Recientemente el deceso de Nelson Mandela condujo a
los medios del imperio a distorsionar el carácter revolucionario de su
liderato, afortunadamente la película sobre su vida, aunque “hollywodesca” por lo menos mantuvo un poco de la semblanza
humana de Nelson </span><span class="st"><span lang="ES-PR">Rolihlahla Mandiba. Este fin de semana se conmemora la figura de Martin Lutero
King y lo único que sabe la mayor parte de la población, especialmente los
niños que son sometidos a dos fragmentos del verbo de Martin “Yo Tengo un Sueño”
y “Cartas de la cárcel de Birmingham” que son poéticas pero que no capturan la
totalidad del revolucionario que era Martin Lutero. La vida es un proceso de evolución
donde crecemos y nos transformamos, e incluye nuestros errores y nuestros
aciertos. </span></span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><b>
</b></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: small;"><b><span class="st"><span lang="ES-PR">Aunque la hagiografía comenzó hace tiempo le acaba de dar su toque final
los fariseos que se auto nombraron protectores de la verdad. Con el propósito de
proteger su memoria están deshumanizando a otro gran líder transformador. Nadie que sea un admirador de
Martin debe de obviar la lectura de su último y gran libro, <i>Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community</i>
(1967). </span></span></b></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><b>
</b></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><b>
</b></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: small;"><b>"White Americans must recognize that justice for black
people cannot be achieved without radical changes in the structure of our
society. The comfortable, entrenched, the privileged cannot continue to tremble
at the prospect of change of the status quo. ... This is a multiracial nation
where all groups are dependent on each other. ... There is no separate white
path to power and fulfillment, short of social disaster, that does not share
power with black aspirations for freedom and human dignity."</b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: small;"><b><span class="st"></span></b></span><br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><b>
</b></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: small;"><b><span class="st"> <span lang="ES-PR">En la segunda mitad de su
vida Martin Lutero King clamaba por grandes transformaciones en la sociedad
norteamericana, no en reformas o parches al estilo del “Obamacare.” El hablo de la necesidad del colapso del
sistema capitalista, la nacionalización de empresas y de la mejor distribución de
las ganancias. Creo que hoy a esto se le
llama socialismo. </span></span></b></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><b>
</b></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><b>
</b></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: small;"><b><span class="st"><span lang="ES-PR">El patriota de Guinea Bissau Amílcar Cabral decía que la mejor forma de
dominar un pueblo (yo añadiría de domesticarlo) es borrando su memoria. El líder
Steve Biko en su famosa frase inspirada por Franz Fannon decía, “el arma más
poderosa del opresor es la mente del oprimido.” Si los símbolos y líderes que
tenemos son tan perfectos e inalcanzables esto conduce a la pasividad o a
esperar por el mesías o un cacique. Un líder es quien destapa y revela el poder
que hay en las mujeres y los hombre para dirigir la transformación y crear una
sociedad que permita el desarrollo de la humanidad. Un líder es quien se echa a
un lado y permite que otros con nuevas ideas dirijan el proceso de libertad y
la liberación. </span></span></b></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><b>
</b></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><b>
</b></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: small;"><b><span class="st"><span lang="ES-PR">Lamentablemente, el proceso de los hagiógrafos que congelarán en el
tiempo a Martin cuando pronunció su discurso de “Yo tengo un sueño” (ahora
utilizado hasta por los derechistas que hubieran linchado a Martin) está
adelantado. Un proyecto de película que hubiera representado al Martin Lutero
King verdadero, complicado, imperfecto y radical se acaba de hundir. <a href="http://www.cnn.com/2014/01/17/showbiz/movies/oliver-stone-mlk-movie-ew/index.html">Oliver
Stone abandona proyecto película de MLK</a> debido a que los protectores de la
imagen a histórica, insípida, sin mácula de Martin Lutero King se oponían a la presentación
de una versiona real, humanizante y radical del líder norteamericano. Las
nuevas generaciones (sabemos que mucha de la historia o pseudo historia se
aprende a través de los medios), a menos que no tengan un maestro o un mentor
que les abra esa ventana nunca conocerán al verdadero héroe Martin Lutero King,
conocerán a un personaje santificado e inalcanzable. </span></span></b></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><b>
</b></span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
</div>
Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-25670814293542734092013-12-19T08:38:00.001-08:002013-12-19T08:58:36.668-08:00Buscando a Balle<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<h2 style="text-align: left;">
</h2>
<h2 style="text-align: left;">
<b><br /></b></h2>
<h2 style="text-align: left;">
<b>Dr. Jose Vadi, Profssor Emeritus California State University, Pomona. Boricua radical. </b></h2>
<h3>
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<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;">“El negro por justa ley, y por su mala conducta, debe de estar con una tusa limpiandole el culo al buey.”</span><br />
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;"><br /> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">(“Black
people, by just laws and by their bad conduct, should be with a corn
husk wiping a bull’s ass,” Saying of my white maternal
great-grandfather)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">“The truth shall set you free” (James Fennimore Cooper)</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Societies
and individuals depend on sustaining myths that maintain them in some
semblance of order or wholeness. Puerto Rican society is riven by
sustaining racial myths such as the myth of the comparative low severity
of Puerto Rican slavery, the color-blindness of Puerto Rican society,
and of a Puerto Rican identity based on a brotherhood that transcends
race. These sustaining myths operate also at a familial level and at the
level of individual consciousness but, on the whole, they serve to
paper over the legacy of slavery and of its effects on current Puerto
Rican society. While the North American society is troubled by its
racial past and acknowledges and condemns it, Puerto Rico seems to have
adopted a form of historical amnesia of its history of slavery and its
continuing effects on Puerto Rican social structure where it is still
most advantageous to be “white.” Family histories and individual
identities are encapsulated in convenient myths that achieve a similar
result at the familial and individual level.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">What
follows is an account of two myths in my family that illustrate this
dynamic. First, I will describe the myths. Then I will uncover the truth
as I have been able to arrive at it from historical documents. I will
conclude by tracing the implications of these truths for my own
identity, for my children, and for my family name. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">As
a child, I heard the story of a Frenchman named Vadi who had come to
Puerto Rico with a black or mulatto wife. He had children from her and
they and the older Vadi would relegate the black woman to the back of
the house when they conducted business. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The offspring of that union between a black woman and the French Vadi were the “colored” Vadi’s. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There
was no mention of slavery or of the possibility of slavery, thus
preserving the myth of an alleged racial harmony that resulted in a café
au lait society with relative absence of racial conflict. Dr. Emilio
Vadi Collazo, a physician in New York, would call my father and me
“primo (cousin).” This contributed to cementing this myth because,
superficially, he did not appear to have any African ancestry. As I
matured, I wanted to find out who was the black woman who was the mother
of all of these Vadi’s “of color.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Over
time, I gave up the search for this black woman thinking that no such
person ever existed. I began to question whether there was any “blood
“relation at all between the Vadi’s who were white and the Vadi’s of
color. In time, I would know that all of the people with the Vadi
surname from Puerto Rico had African ancestry, even though many of them
looked white. Perhaps it was the fact that we all had some African
ancestry that led Dr. Emilio Vadi Collazo to call us primo, even if
other “white-looking” Vadi’s refused to acknowledge such a link amongst
all of the Vadi’s from Puerto Rico.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">In
reading an essay by Dr. Haydee Cancio de Reichard about the Central
Coloso, a sugar mill in Aguada founded by Emilio Vadi Benelli, I came
upon a passage that mentioned that Angel Luis Santoni, the second
largest slave owner in Aguada, had fathered a daughter from a fifteen
year old slave named Enriqueta. The child was named Rosario and she was
recognized by Santoni as his daughter. Emilio Vadi Benelli, who was
overseer overseer <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(mayordomo) for Angel Santoni and would later found<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the
Central Coloso, had a common-law marriage with the daughter of Santoni
and his slave Enriqueta (ie. Rosario). But none of the offspring of that
marriage was recognizably black or married to a black person. Dr. Luis
Vadi Benelli, founder of what later became the Clinica Perea in Mayaguez
and brother of Emilio, had one male child out of wedlock but this child
returned to France and adopted another surname. In short, there were
only two possible explanations for the Vadi’s of color in Puerto Rico.
Either there had been no Vadi’s “of color” that were offspring of the
two Corsican immigrants , Emilio and Luis Vadi Benelli, or their African
origins via their mother were obscured by the common process of
whitening that is frequent in Puerto Rico. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I
then concluded that the Vadi’s of color had most likely appropriated
that name. This meant that the origins of the Vadi’s “of color” were in
slavery. Then who was the slave that took the Vadi name? </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">In
finding my slave descendant, I worked backward beginning with my
grandfather, Mariano Vadi Ayala. His death certificate lists his father,
my great-grand-father as “Balle Vadi.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;">The 1872 Puerto Rican<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Slave Registry (Registro de Esclavos) has no Balle Vadi.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">But
a master’s thesis written by Norma Medina Carrillo (using notary
archives of the 1850’s) mentions two slaves with names similar to Balle.
These were slaves of Angel Santoni and their overseer was Emilio Vadi
Benelli. These slaves were named Antonio Valle and Santiago Valle. Given
the common misspelling of names of slaves, it is highly possible that
one of these slaves is listed as Balle and later took the name Vadi
after emancipation in 1873. Another possibility is that Balle was the
nickname of one Jose Maria Vadi (according to notes of a conversation
with my father in 1977). I have found only one mention of Jose Maria
Vadi and that was in a military service registration document of 1917. I
had no evidence that Jose Maria Vadi was a slave or that he was in fact
“Balle.”</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Later
on, I found an entry for Jose Maria Vade (sic) in the U.S. Census of
1910. With the help of Anna Feliciano, a maternal relative that I met on
Ancetry.com, I was able to locate the 1917 Death Certificate for José
Maria Vadi and this certificate proved, decisively, that he was my great
grandfather. In that document, his son, Mariano Vadi (my grandfather),
is listed as the declarant and identified as his son. Thus Jose Maria
Vadi was, clearly, Balle and I had found Balle. Balle was sixty at the
time of this death in 1917 and thus was born in 1857. He was sixteen
years old when the slaves were freed and nineteen years old in 1876 when
they were required to select a surname that would be carried by all of
their descendants. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">The
1910 Census lists a ninety year old man, Juan Antonio Vadi Muñoz as a
lodger (alojado) in the household of José Maria Vadi. That was Balle’s
father and he was born circa 1820. The document also states that Juan
Antonio’s parents were born in Africa. It was Juan Antonio who most
likely took the surname Vadi, given the fact that that his son, Jose
Maria, was nineteen and thus not of adult age.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>From the Certificate of Death of Jose Maria Vadi (Balle), I learned that his mother was named Francisca Acevedo.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">The
search for Balle was difficult in light of the fact that the Registro
de Esclavos or Slave Registry of 1872 omits district #3 that encompassed
Aguada.<a href="http://www.saludospr.com/index.php/articulos/88-looking-for-balle#_edn2" name="_ednref2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""></a><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif'; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[ii]</span></span></span></span> <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>No
Balle Vadi appears in the U.S. Census but persons with the same surname
as my grandfather (Mariano Vadi Ayala) appear in the 1910 Census and in
World War I registration documents. These were Epifanio Vadi Ayala,
Leon Vadi Ayala, and Pedro Vadi Ayala. Like my grandfather, these men
were all machinists in sugar mills. The oldest of these men, Epifanio,
was born in 1873, the same year that slaves were emancipated in Puerto
Rico. This means that their father, Balle, was of adult age, in 1873. By
logical deduction, it was Balle’s father, Juan Antonio, who took the
name “Vadi” as his surname in 1876 when the former slaves were required
to adopt a surname with the understanding that the surname adopted would
be the ones inherited by their descendants forever after. Since Balle
was not the son of Rosario Vadi Santoni, his father took the name Vadi
and hence the origins of my surname. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I have no blood connection either to the Vadi or to the Santoni family. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">After
making this discovery, I decided to examine the maternal side of my
father’s ancestry. My father’s maternal surname was “Pardo” and the
evidence of slave lineage through that side of my family is even more
direct than was the case with his paternal or Vadi side. As with the
Vadi’s, there was a “descent myth” with the Pardo’s as well. The myth
was that my father’s grandmother, Matilde Pardo, also had the surname
Belflan or Belfian. One Belflan or Belfian had fathered her and then
left to fight in the Franco Prussian War and never returned from the
war. In the 1910 U.S. Census, Matilde Pardo appears as Matilde Pardo
Belfland and in the 1920 U.S. Census she is listed as “white.” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I
have found no evidence of this person named Belfland but I have found
evidence that Matilde Pardo and her husband, Reyes Pardo, had been
slaves in childhood.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">My
father had told me that Matilde Pardo’s mother was named Maria
Constancia. The Registro de Esclavos (slave registry) for 1872 shows a
Maria Esperanza who was the slave of “Pardog (sic) and Pardo.” The
record also shows that a slave named Maria had given birth to a child in
1868 while still a slave of Pardog and Pardo. 1868 was the year Matilde
Pardo was born. Moreover, this birth had occurred in San German Puerto
Rico. Matilde Pardo always claimed she was from Lajas, Puerto Rico but
Lajas was part of San German until the 1880’s when it became a separate
municipality. So her mother’s name, date of birth, location, and slave
owner’s name all coincide in the likelihood that the child born to the
slave Maria in 1868 was Matilde Pardo, my great-grand-mother.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Matilde
Pardo’s spouse was named Reyes. I conducted a search in the Registry of
Slaves for 1872 for all slaves named Reyes. About six or seven slaves
with such names appeared but only one of them was enslaved by “Pardog
and Pardo.” The register lists a slave named Reyes who was 18 years old
in 1872 and who “belonged” to “Pardog and Pardo” in San German, Puerto
Rico. It is extremely likely that at emancipation, the slave Reyes took
the name of his slave master (Pardo) to become Reyes Pardo, my
great-grandfather. The registry also lists his parents as “Juan
Chiquito” and “Catalina.” Juan Chiquito and Catalina were slaves on the
Hacienda Resolución and they were my great great grandparents. Again, in
the case of Reyes “Pardo,” the dates, location, first name, and slave
owner name all point to the inextricable conclusion that Reyes Pardo was
in fact my paternal great-grandfather.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Reyes
Pardo was the husband of Matilde Pardo and he was 14 years older than
Matilde. It was not unusual for girls to marry older men at that time.
The documents also reveal that Matilde had children by the time she was
15 years old. A 1917 passport application with a picture of her son,
Jose Pardo (born in 1883) provides this evidence. Jose Pardo was my
father’s beloved “Tio Pepe” of whom I heard countless stories during my
childhood. Another passport application with photo dated 1917 exists
showing another of her sons, Reyes Pardo (junior not senior, born 1894).
I got to know this Reyes Pardo in New York as my father’s uncle,
brother of my father’s mother, Juana Maria Pardo. Altogether Matilde
Pardo had 13 children, among them being my paternal grandmother, Juana
Maria Pardo.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">The
claim by Matilde Pardo that her paternal name was Belflan is, most
likely, a “whitening myth.” In the 1910 census, all of her children
appear as “Pardo y Pardo,” indicating that both their maternal and
paternal names were names of a common slave master. Had Belflan been
their grandfather, their surnames would be Pardo Belflan and this is not
the case in the 1910 Census where her children are listed as “Pardo y
Pardo.” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the 1920 Census, Matilde Pardo is listed as “white.” All of this suggests efforts at “blanqueamiento” or whitening.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Researching
further, I found that the slave-owning Pardo’s had come to Puerto Rico
from Holland with the arrival of one Manuel Pardo around 1830 (via St.
Thomas). The source states that he had one or two slaves.<a href="http://www.saludospr.com/index.php/articulos/88-looking-for-balle#_edn3" name="_ednref3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""></a><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif'; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[iii]</span></span></span></span>
As part of the overall sugar boom of the period after 1800, Pardo
expanded his slaveholdings to some 69 slaves and, at one time, sought to
import 100 more slaves. Pardo was located in Mayaguez, where he had a
small number of slaves, but most of the slaves were employed at his
estate, Hacienda Resolución in San German. He was heavily indebted and
lost 22 slaves in the morbid cholera epidemic of 1856. Nonetheless, he
was able to meet his debt obligations and did not go bankrupt.<a href="http://www.saludospr.com/index.php/articulos/88-looking-for-balle#_edn4" name="_ednref4" style="mso-endnote-id: edn4;" title=""></a><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif'; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[iv]</span></span></span></span>
This attests to the high rate of labor exploitation on his estate. It
is most likely that his son, Antonio Pardo, was the slave owner of my
ancestor Reyes Pardo, who was 18 at the time the Slave Registry was
compiled in 1872.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">I
paid a visit to the Hacienda Resolución in Lajas Puerto Rico on
Father’s Day of 2012. It is located in a flat and expansive valley now
dedicated to cattle raising and to the production of hay for stock feed.
The entire hacienda is fenced-in and there is a large gate with an
entry road that is almost a quarter of a mile deep. As I stood at that
gate and peered through the fence at the land where my forefathers had
toiled in slavery, I could feel the goose bumps all over my body. There
is a foreboding isolation to the place even though a well-travelled
paved road runs right past it. It must have been very desolate one
hundred years ago. Even though it was a rainy day, I could sense how
miserable those slaves had to be. The land is table flat and there are
no trees on the hacienda proper. I could imagine how my forefathers
toiled in the hot sun, without shade, to build the fortunes of the slave
masters that stole their labor and thus their dignity as human beings.
The level of labor extracted had to be enormous in order to pay off the
massive debts of the Pardo slave masters. I had my picture taken at the
gate of the hacienda and left it with profound sadness. This sadness was
made even more acute when we tripped upon a roadside open bar with live
musicians playing to a dancing public in celebration of Father’s Day.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Thus
my ancestors were enslaved by foreign immigrants to Puerto Rico, some
from Corsica (Emilio Vadi and Angel Luis Santoni) and the others from
Holland (the Pardo family). These immigrants found opportunities in
Puerto Rico to make their fortunes in ways that were forbidden in most
of Europe: via chattel slavery. Emilio Vadi was a conundrum in that he
was a Free Mason and a man of progressive views who defied the social
conventions of his era to live with the daughter of a slave and to
recognize his offspring from that woman as legitimate.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He
would make fun of the pretenses and the social opprobrium of the
“Blanquitos” or white well-to-do sectors in Aguada, where he resided.<a href="http://www.saludospr.com/index.php/articulos/88-looking-for-balle#_edn5" name="_ednref5" style="mso-endnote-id: edn5;" title=""></a><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif'; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[v]</span></span></span></span>
Nonetheless, his ambition for economic advancement and economic gain
overcame whatever progressive inclinations or scruples he might have
had. He chose the most readily available avenue to wealth in the Puerto
Rico of that time, serving first as an overseer to one of the largest
slave owners in Aguada and then becoming a slave owner upon purchasing
the slave owner’s estate.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Knowing
the truth that my father was a descendant of slaves on both sides of
his family has led me to what I can only describe as a convulsion of
identity and an even more critical awareness on my part regarding how
Puerto Rican culture deals with the whole gamut of racial issues. I came
to understand, in my gut, the meaning of “nobody knows my name” because
I was now left to wonder “What is my true name?” I have the surname
Vadi not because I am Vadi through any genetic connection but because of
a decision or choice made by one of my ancestors, who had been
enslaved, to adopt that name. My initial reaction was to reject the
name. But that would be a betrayal of my father and grandfather who went
by that name. Moreover, my enslaved ancestors paid a very heavy price
to have a surname. There is a delicious irony and justice in their
appropriating the very name of the person who stole their labor, their
dignity, and their honor. And there is an even greater sense of “getting
even” in taking a name debased in its association with slavery and
slave ownership and raising it from its debasement through my own
achievements and those of my parents and my children (one a medical
doctor and the other a playwright and writer). No, I will not hang my
head down. I will not define myself by a surname but by what I have
achieved in life and by the content of my character. And that is what I
expect from my children and their descendants as well.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">I
know that I am here because somehow, the slaves Juan Chiquito,
Catalina, Reyes, Matilde, Juan Antonio, Francisca, and Balle survived;
because they were strong and because they endured. I have the sense of
being a successful warrior who overcame many obstacles in my life. From
my birth in the slum of Barrio Buenos Aires in Parada 26 in Santurce, to
my upbringing in East Harlem’s slum of “El Barrio,” to a college degree
from the City College of New York and a doctorate from the University
of Wisconsin at Madison—all of this is somehow linked to the moral fiber
and to the fortitude of my slave ancestors. This in turn has led me to
question the ways in which Puerto Rican culture deals or fails to deal
with slavery and the legacy of slavery that persists in Puerto Rico.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">At
its root, Puerto Rican culture manifests amnesia regarding slavery and
its lingering legacy. First, there is the myth of Puerto Rico as a
racial democracy where there is no awareness of race, racism, or
exclusion based on race. Related to this myth, is the view that Puerto
Ricans are a blend of Spanish, Taino Indian, and African ancestry. But
this mélange is almost invariably related to diminishing the African
roots of Puerto Rican identity. The use of euphemisms such as the term
“trigueño” (or wheat colored) “elevates” a person to the status of this
mélange and moves them away from their Africaness. The national iconic
identity is that of the while hillbilly or jibaro and not of the
trigueño mélange.<a href="http://www.saludospr.com/index.php/articulos/88-looking-for-balle#_edn6" name="_ednref6" style="mso-endnote-id: edn6;" title=""></a><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif'; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[vi]</span></span></span></span>
The iconic high culture is Hispanic and lends little or no weight to
the African roots of a large part of the Puerto Rican population. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Besides
these super structural aspects of Puerto Rican identity, the structural
reality is that there is an absence of gente negra in the important
economic, political, and social echelons of Puerto Rican society. As in
the United States, the gente negra are represented in sports and in the
world of spectacle (entertainment). A cursory view of the “society”
pages of newspapers reveals and absence of dark skinned Puerto Ricans.
Here, the pattern is similar to the United States. In fact, even in the
world of entertainment, it was not until the 1960’s that the black
musical ensemble Cortijo y Su Combo broke through the color barrier that
excluded black Puerto Rican performers from the more prestigious
performing venues in the capitol of San Juan.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">What
is remarkable, in light of this situation, is the degree to which
Puerto Ricans either are oblivious to this situation or pretend to be
because it shatters the ingrained belief of Puerto Rico as a racial
democracy. This belief did not evolve without design. Maria Margarita
Flores Collazo shows that the Puerto Rican elite of the immediate
post-abolition period set out to construct such an ideology fearing the
examples of Haiti and Cuba.<a href="http://www.saludospr.com/index.php/articulos/88-looking-for-balle#_edn7" name="_ednref7" style="mso-endnote-id: edn7;" title=""></a><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif'; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[vii]</span></span></span></span>
An examination of the documents of that period (circa 1870’s) provides
numerous examples of public officials and cultural leaders stressing the
degree of thankfulness of the now “emancipated” slaves to their former
masters for their new-found freedom.<a href="http://www.saludospr.com/index.php/articulos/88-looking-for-balle#_edn8" name="_ednref8" style="mso-endnote-id: edn8;" title=""></a><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif'; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[viii]</span></span></span></span> <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They
remarked frequently on the peaceful manner in which the former slaves
were conducting themselves and moving from the status of slaves to
citizens. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Even
progressive intellectuals imbibe this myth of Puerto Rico as a racial
democracy despite the structural facts that do not support it. I was
once on a boat on a tour of San Juan bay when I remarked to one of the
leading progressive intellectuals in the island that I was the darkest
person on the boat. A group of mostly middle class Puerto Ricans had
chartered the boat for a bit of drinking and socializing. But there were
no dark-skinned persons in this network of people and I (a mulato) was
the darkest person there. My intellectual friend remarked, “Es que ellos
se marginan (they marginalize themselves).” Even if one were to accept
this at face value, simple curiosity leads to the question “Why?” Why
would darker skinned people marginalize themselves? In fact, do they?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What
does this show about Puerto Rican “racial democracy?” In short, if this
is the reaction of one of the island’s leading progressive
intellectuals, one is left to wonder what would be the reaction of the
non-progressive and non-intellectual sectors of Puerto Rican society. In
fact, these sectors either don’t recognize there is a problem or hide
behind an obscurantist transcendent Puerto Rican ideology that race does
not matter to Puerto Ricans because we are a mélange of…..blah, blah,
blah.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">My
perception of Puerto Rico has also been challenged by knowledge of my
ancestral paternal roots in slavery. Puerto Rico no longer seems to be
“la isla del encanto” or the charmed island. It rather resembles
Mississippi, Alabama, and Louisiana. As an activist in the U.S, civil
rights movement of the 1960’s, I have had repulsion to the states of the
American South. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I have passed
up opportunities to visit them because of my knowledge of their
histories and what occurred there in the 1960’s in places such as
Philadelphia, Mississippi and Selma, Alabama. In short, the idealized
version of Puerto Rico as the land of the jibaro and beautiful palmed
vistas has been complemented by an image of Puerto Rico as the land of
slave masters and slaves, the componte, the argolla, the whip, the
jackboot and the nightstick. The Hispanicist dream of the idyllic land
of enchantment has been eviscerated by the nightmare of slavery and its
legacy that underlies that dream. That was my initial reaction, a
reaction that changed on deeper reflection.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">I
can no more renounce Puerto Rico than I can renounce my name. I can
renounce the idyllic image, the cultural amnesia regarding slavery and
its legacy, and the image of Puerto Rico as a racial democracy. But the
reality “is what it is.” And rather than be rendered impotent by that
reality and becoming a person in double exile—without a name and without
a nation—I have to accept the reality and to commit myself to changing
it. This is the only way to render homage to Juan, Margurite, Juan
Chiquito, Catalina, Reyes, Matilde, Juan Antonio, Francsica and Balle—to
my slave ancestors who survived –and who, through me, can find a voice
to change the legacy of their servitude that still persists underneath a
vestment of racial democracy that covers an essential part: a legacy of
slavery. </span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">In
my mind, there is no doubt that the effects of slavery linger for
generations. Part of the Puerto Rican view of the island as a racial
democracy is to view slavery as something that occurred in the past and
that has been transcended by a non-racial, criollo society and identity.
That this view is in error is evident within my own family. Knowing the
history of slavery in my family has shed light on the personal
characteristics of members of my family that I could not explain. I
offer these views more as hypotheses than as proofs because we do not
know enough about all of the elements that make a person.</span><br />
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">I
got to know four of the children of Matilde Pardo, three women and one
man. They were all introverted and hardly spoke unless spoken to. One of
them lived for decades in a tenement in New York without ever leaving
the apartment. She was not ill but she was totally housebound, sullen,
and hardly spoke. Her two sisters shared all of these characteristics.
One of them lived in Aguada, Puerto Rico and the other lived in New
York. The New York resident married a Spaniard and had an only son. As a
widow, she made a humble living working in a laundry while raising her
only child. He grew up to become a heroin addict as was another son one
of Matilde Pardo’s daughters. </span><br />
<br />
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">The
one male son of Matilde Pardo that I knew was Reyes Pardo (the same
name as my enslaved great grandfather). He was tall and had a grave and
sullen aspect to his personality. I never saw him laugh. He was my
father’s great uncle and was highly respected as the patriarch of the
family and for his grave and serious character. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 14.0pt;">In hindsight, there was no joy in living, spontaneity, or liveliness in the Pardo’s that I knew.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There
was inwardness to their personalities as if they were carrying a heavy
internal burden. They carried themselves as if life was an endurance
test—something borne rather than cherished. My father and his brother
also went through life in this way. How much of this the legacy of
slavery is, I do not know. But it requires little stretch of the
imagination to see how these would be personality attributes of one who
was or had been enslaved. And these attributes could be handed down in
the way that their children modeled their behavior after them and in the
attitudes and world views inculcated in them by people who had known
slavery. Maybe this is the ultimate meaning of “es que ellos mismos se
marginan”: to blame the victims of slavery for their “self-exclusion” in
a way that overlooks this marginalization as an understandable response
to their knowing that in the broader society, to be non-white is to be
inferior, undesirable, and even dangerous; a rational response to their
knowing that underlying Puerto Rico’s self-conception as a racial
democracy and its use of the diminutive negrito and negrita as terms of
endearment, is a racism of such subtlety as to constitute a racismo con
cariño.</span></div>
<div style="mso-element: endnote-list;">
<br clear="all" />
<hr size="1" width="33%" />
<div id="edn1" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="http://www.saludospr.com/index.php/articulos/88-looking-for-balle#_ednref1" name="_edn1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""></a><a href="http://www.saludospr.com/index.php/articulos/88-looking-for-balle#_ednref2" name="_edn2" style="mso-endnote-id: edn2;" title=""></a><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif'; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[ii]</span></span></span></span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"> The Registry for District 3 has been misplaced in the archives and this situation has to be corrected with urgency.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn2" style="mso-element: endnote;">
</div>
<div id="edn3" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="http://www.saludospr.com/index.php/articulos/88-looking-for-balle#_ednref3" name="_edn3" style="mso-endnote-id: edn3;" title=""></a><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif'; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[iii]</span></span></span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;">Ricardo
R. Comuñas-Madera, “El progreso material y las epidemias de 1856 en
Puerto Rico, Anuario de Historia de America Latina, No. 29, 1992, págs.
241-277</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn4" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="http://www.saludospr.com/index.php/articulos/88-looking-for-balle#_ednref4" name="_edn4" style="mso-endnote-id: edn4;" title=""></a><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif'; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[iv]</span></span></span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;">Ibid, 263.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn5" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="http://www.saludospr.com/index.php/articulos/88-looking-for-balle#_ednref5" name="_edn5" style="mso-endnote-id: edn5;" title=""></a><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif'; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[v]</span></span></span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;">Regarding
Emilio Vadi, his family, and his life and times, See Emilia Badillo
Joy, Cal y Canto: El Polvo de Un Siglo, Ediciones Puerto Rico, 2005.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn6" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="http://www.saludospr.com/index.php/articulos/88-looking-for-balle#_ednref6" name="_edn6" style="mso-endnote-id: edn6;" title=""></a><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif'; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[vi]</span></span></span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;">See
Mariluz Franco Ortiz, et al, “Las lecciones de la esclavitud; Discursos
de esclavitud, mestizaje, y blancamiento en una escuela elemental de
Puerto Rico,” Cuadernos de Investigación, Universidad de Puerto Rico en
Cayey, Cuaderno 15, Año 2010.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn7" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="http://www.saludospr.com/index.php/articulos/88-looking-for-balle#_ednref7" name="_edn7" style="mso-endnote-id: edn7;" title=""></a><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif'; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[vii]</span></span></span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;">
Maria Margarita Flores Collazo, “Desmemorias en torno a la esclavitud
negra y la abolición: Puerto Rico, siglo XIX, Cincinnati Romance Review,
30 (Winter 2011) 18-38.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="edn8" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div class="MsoEndnoteText">
<a href="http://www.saludospr.com/index.php/articulos/88-looking-for-balle#_ednref8" name="_edn8" style="mso-endnote-id: edn8;" title=""></a><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Calibri','sans-serif'; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: 'Times New Roman'; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;">[viii]</span></span></span></span></span><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES;">
Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña, “El Proceso Abolicionista en
Puerto Rico: Documentos Para Su Estudio,” Volumen II: Procesos y Efectos
de la Abolición, 1866-1896, San Juan, Puerto Rico, 1978.</span></div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-1344530729099427392013-12-19T08:35:00.001-08:002013-12-19T08:43:17.439-08:00Los Vendidos “Viví en el monstruo y le conozco las entrañas”<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Dr. Rodolfo Acuña, one of the leading founders of Chicana/o Studies is professor Emeritus, California State University, Northridge, who has the largest Chicano/Latino Studies Department in the United States. <br />
<br />
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
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<br />
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Los Pochos</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">y</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Los Vendidos</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“Viví en el monstruo y le conozco las entrañas”</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">By</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Rodolfo F. Acuña</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">When I sat down to
conceptualize Chicana/o Studies, I was forced to distinguish it from Mexican
Studies. If I had not done so, I would have never gotten it through the
committees. I also had to differentiate CHS from race studies as well as Latin
American Studies. I was fortunate that I had taught U.S. history and
government, and specialized in U.S. History for my Masters. My PhD was in Latin
American studies so that was icing on the cake.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Academe was caught flatfooted in responding to the challenge of ethnic
studies, and it has never really got a handle on them. Many perceive them as
race studies, so the inclination is to lump Chicana/o Studies into their flawed
model. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">I believed that if Chicana/o Studies was to grow; it had to find its
own identity. Very early the main thrust of our program was pedagogical. We
were there to teach more than a subject; it involved teaching students identity
and skills. The truth be told, years of marginalization had damaged
Chicanas/os. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">It did not take a genius to deduce that what distinguished most
Chicanas/os from most Mexicanos del otro lado was their experiences in the
United States. Just reading the literature gave you a clue; the great Cuban
poet José Martí wrote to Manuel Mercado, “<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Viví
en el monstruo y le conozco las entrañas</i>.” It is the knowledge of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">entrañas</i> (the bowels) that distinguishes
most pochos from most Mexicans who have not lived in the bowels of the monster.
</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">The variable of race is important; it influences the multiple
disciplines within CHS. In the future, research on this experience will grow in
importance. The Mexican origin population numbers about 38 million in the
United States (114 million in Mexico), and numbers matter. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Chicana/o students and scholars bring with them the perspective of
having lived <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">en las entrañas</i> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">del monstruo</i>. They have experienced
American Imperialism from within, and in my opinion have the potential of
knowing and understanding it more profoundly than others – that is, if they
don’t identify too closely with the monster. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">As a general rule, I have found Chicanas/os more sensitive to American
racism than other Latin American immigrants. When I worked in the Central
American solidarity movement I remember long conversations with the compas who
would say that Chicanas/were too anti-gringo, which we tended to be – much the
same as Martí. I would respond that this was true because they were working
with mostly good gringos. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">In Mexico, the Left talked incessantly about Marxism and revolution. At
the same time, they had a tendency to look on us pochos –we weren’t real
Mexicans. Once during a heated discussion with the head of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Partido Comunista de México</i> (PCM), I
told him what separated pochos and Mexicans was that we had actually worked in
factories while many PCM stalwarts were scions of the ruling class, in other
words, sojourners, witness Jorge Castañeda. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Pocho students are for the most past First Generation College students,
and unlike most Mexicans they have experienced racism on a daily basis.
Extending this to other Latino groups, many were raised in their native
countries; they have not grown up looking at life through a race prism. Yet
their children are undergoing a pochoization. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">This is not to say that the parents have not suffered other forms of
oppression. Just that being brought up in their native countries they don’t
experience an identity crisis. The difference is that they have grown up as
Mexicans or Hondurans instead of a hyphenated model. Within this process, there
are generational differences to consider.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Because I am a pocho I live the national question. This means that
often words carry different meanings or emphases. Words such as scab and
vendido have a life of their own. From copper mines to fields of Arizona to the
cotton fields of California, the word scab has a nasty meaning. The scab broke
their strikes, their futures.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It had
such a bitter meaning that it turned brother against brother and father against
son. There was no middle ground. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: 58.8pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">The word vendido (sellout) has a similar meaning, although in a sense
it is worse. Scabs often crossed the line to feed their families whereas the
vendido sells himself willingly. Historically it was a Mexican consul or the
politician who sold out the interests of their people. The vendido today is
your fellow worker who passes on information to his boss often for as little as
a smile. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">As a pocho, you learn to respect territory and interests of other
working class people. This is often trying because as people at the bottom we
compete for the crumbs. In 1964 while working against Proposition 14 that was
seeking to nullify the Rumford Fair Housing Act I had many conversations with
Dorothy Washington, an activist in the Pacoima area. She told me the story of a
white man who when she was a child, she and her friends would anxiously wait
for. When he arrived he would throw pennies on the gravelled ground of the
schoolyard; the black kids would scramble to get the pennies, knocking each
other down. The man would laugh. It was not until years later that she realized
that he was not a nice man and that he was laughing at them.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Living the national question I realize that I have a lot more in common
with the Dorothy Washingtons of this world than I do with many Mexicans or
Latinos. In order to be in solidarity I have had to respect her territory and
her issues.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">I guess this is why I reacted so strongly to the sneaky deal with la
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM). It was as if the vendido button
had been pressed. I was amazed that liberals in the administration treated it so
lightly, and had not even raised elementary questions. In building a stadium,
the university is at least required to conduct an environmental impact study. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">For me, the UNAM and the CSUN movers and shakers are like the laughing
white man, and their Latino cheerleaders are like the children stampeding to
scoop up the pennies. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Privatization has impacted my life. I can remember qualifying for a
home loan on a janitor’s salary. There was time when my students paid $50 a
semester to attend SFVSC, and they could afford to work 10 hours a week. I
remember that we had janitors who were state employees. Jorge García and Toppy
would spend hours talking to a white haired janitor named Nell Davis from West
Virginia. He was a regular state employee who raised a family and was able to
buy a house in Mission Hills.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">There was the cafeteria on the roof of Sierra North. Mexican servers
and cooks were always smiling, and took pride in telling us which Mexican foods
to eat. We would tease middle aged women from Guadalajara telling her she
looked like a gringa (she was light and had green eyes).</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Privatization has ended that world. Students have to work to attend the
privatized Tseng College; they have to work 40 plus hours to pay $3200 a
semester to attend the public university; they have to work to pay for the
dorms; they have to work to pay for the illusionary grants projected for CSUN
professors to study abroad; and they will have to work to pay for the<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>hidden costs of the UNAM deal. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">As a pocho, I know what a vendido is; we often see them as someone who
is trying to help us while they are knocking us down for the pennies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
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Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-5544970009994535772013-11-14T10:07:00.002-08:002013-11-14T10:09:19.518-08:00El ataque contra los estudios etnicoS Rudy Acuña<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Dr. Rudy Acuña autor de muchos libros sobre los latinos en los Estados Unidos revela los ataques contra los estudios étnicos contra el departamento mas grande de Estudios Chicanos en los EUA. <br />
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Los Muertos de Hambre</span></i></b><span style="mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">The War on Chicana/o Studies</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Unmasking the Illusion of
Inclusion</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">By</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Rodolfo F. Acuña</span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Muertos de hambre</span></i></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"> is a derogatory phrase often used by Mexicans to refer to people who
are predators, i.e., human vultures, vendidos. They are so starved for
attention or recognition that they pounce on scraps of garbage discarded by
their colonial masters. </span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">The history of Chicana/o Studies is replete with examples of myths such
as that they are failing because of a lack of enrollment. The truth is that
they fail because they are denied a place on the Monopoly Board (General
Education, electives and the like) that runs the university and rewards
departments. </span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">The CSUN Chicana/o Studies Department has a unique problem, it has been
too successful. It offers 175 plus sections per semester, and campus wide
departments are salivating at the prospect of picking off pieces of the
program. The sad thing is that without the Mexican student population the
university would be half its size. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">The university is a plantation that is run by white overseers that are
getting increasingly defensive about their illegitimacy. Take the College of
Social and Behavioral Science. Like most colleges, it has avoided diversifying
its faculty. Although there are approximately 12,000 Latinos on campus, out of
11 tenure track professors, Anthropology has 0 Mexican Americans; Geography
(12-0); History (19-0); Pan African Studies (13-1); Political Science (17-2);
Psychology (29-1); Social Work (16-0); Sociology 23-1); and Urban Studies &
Planning (7-0). </span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Chicana/o Studies has challenged this inequity. It has confronted that
there are few courses on the Mexican experience. In 1969, San Fernando State
offered one course on Mexico that was taught by Dr. Julian Nava. </span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">The professors, the overseers of the plantation, are nervous because
the City of Los Angeles has changed, and over 50 percent are Latinos, 80
percent of whom are of Mexican extraction. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">The white colonists are getting increasingly defensive about their
privilege. Recently one of the departments discussed its hiring priorities. A
Mexican American professor raised the racial disparity between the number of
Mexican American students and its faculty. This evoked angry responses. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Faculty members said they were uncomfortable talking about race; that
the department should not hire “unqualified” applicants; that they do not see
color; that race has no bearing. Studies show that the race and class
backgrounds of the professors determine the questions that students ask and
research outcome.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Mexicans north from Mexico have always been under the illusion that the
Mexican government and the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM) care
about them and would protect their interests. They naively believed that they
were part of the Mexican family. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">This illusion was recently shattered by UNAM’s lack of respect for
Mexican Americans at CSUN. It entered into an agreement to house a research
center there. The project was clandestine.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Over the past year, David Maciel who has abandoned more programs than
any academician I know started to bring in speakers from UNAM. Recently
dismissed from UCLA, it was his way to wangle a part time position. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Maciel and the CSUN administration slapped CHS in the face, and did not
inform it about the center until it was a done deal. The slight was outrageous.
Chicana/o Studies has 90 percent of the Mexicanists and Latin Americanists on
campus. For over 40 years, it has had premier cultural groups, and championed
Mexican immigrants with or without papers.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">A meeting was held on November 12<sup>th</sup> involving UNAM’s criollo
elite administrators and the CSUN faculty. Basically, they told us that we
could join or not join –take it or leave it. They avoided the question as to
why they showed disrespect for Mexicans on campus. Their attitude was one of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">porque nos da la chingada gana</i>. Clearly
it is a matter of class, they consider the Mexican population of 36 million as
pochos, and prefer catering to gringos. They avoid contact with Mexicans who
are not of their social class. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">As for the white faculty present, it was pathetic. Not one has been
involved with Mexican immigrants. One said that he was interested in Mexico
because his wife had taken a class at UNAM. A Central American professor whose
specialty is literature (a post-modernist) said she was a Mexicanist because
Central Americans passed through Mexico en route to the U.S.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">It is evident that these <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">muertos
de hambre</i> saw only the color green. Frantz Fanon makes it clear that
colonization is possible only with the complicity of members of the colonized.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">In this case, it was two Central American Studies professors -- Douglas
Carranza and Beatriz Cortez who are angry because I mentioned the role students
and professors in the founding of CAS. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">However, the colonizers and their collaborators have an obsession to
rewrite history and mask their privilege. For the record, the CAS founders
included Alberto García, a half dozen Central American women students, and
Roberto Lovato who along with CAUSA and Dr. Carlos Cordova of San Francisco
State developed the curriculum. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Additionally, Lovato and the students pressed the California
legislature for funding to establish a Central American Studies Center. Cortez
and Carranza came in well after the fact. Again part of being collaborators is
the rewriting of history, and to create a counter narrative to establish
legitimacy. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Los muertos de hambre</span></i></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"> are delusional, and somehow they have come to believe that CHS is
taking courses from them. They also want to divert attention away from the fact
that after a dozen years it still has only two professors, having bullied every
Central American candidate out of the department. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">These <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">muertos de hambre</i> have
invented their own reality, wanting to erase the fact that CHS gave them four
positions to start CAS. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">We are also at odds with the Provost who says that we are
obstructionists for not joining the process, which invitation came only after
it was a done deal. His attitude is much that of the UNAM representatives. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">If you allow someone to take your dignity from you, you are reduced to
a serf. Thus, you cannot allow the colonizers to distort reality and erase you.
As for the collaborators they must change history so as not to be seen as
collaborators and opportunists. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">As our Latino student population mushrooms, the resistance to Mexican
American hires will increase. Life for <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">los
muertos de hambre</i> will become more profitable as white professors will
enter into alliances with them to limit the number of minority faculty. The
subversion of Chicana/o Studies will be possible only with the support of
collaborators. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">I have always respected and considered Central Americans to be family.
However, I realize like Mexicans they also have <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">muertos de hambre</i> among them.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">As political people we must respect the tensions within our countries
of origin, i.e., teacher strikes, Zapatista-like movements, Mexico’s violation
of Article 27 of the Constitution, and the giving away of Mexico’s land and
resources. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">What hurts is that my illusions of jointly building a unity of
progressives of the two Middle Americas have been shattered, although hope
remains. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">The fact is the Mexican government and UNAM have never had an interest
in our community. They have not cared about Mexican immigrants whose rights
Chicana/o organizations championed. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Los muertos de hambre</span></i></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;"> only see us as a piggy bank. Even with the bad economy we send $22
billion annually to the homeland. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Dr, Ernesto Galarza in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Spiders in
the House and Workers in the Field</i> (1970) wrote that it was in error to
assume Mexicans did not organize – they did but they were subverted by the
spiders in the house and <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">los<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>muertos de hambre</i>.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000;">Addendum: The
College of Humanities is held up as the ideal in affirmative action by the
administration. These stats are for tenure track appointments. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000;">Asian American
Studies Department,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>7 fulltime<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>0<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mexican Americans</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000;">Chicana/o
Studies Department<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>23<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>21
Mexican Americans</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000;">English
Department<span style="mso-tab-count: 3;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>35<span style="mso-tab-count: 2;"> </span>3<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mexican Americans</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000;">Gender and
Women’s Studies Department 6<span style="mso-tab-count: 2;"> </span>1<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mexican Americans (Joint)</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000;">Linguistics
Department<span style="mso-tab-count: 3;"> </span>
3<span style="mso-tab-count: 2;"> </span>0<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mexican Americans</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000;">Modern and
Classical Languages and </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000;">Literatures
Department (Spanish Section)<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>11<span style="mso-tab-count: 2;"> </span>1<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mexican American<span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span><span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000;">Philosophy
Department<span style="mso-tab-count: 3;"> </span>12<span style="mso-tab-count: 2;"> </span>0<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mexican Americans</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: #c00000;">Religious
Studies Department<span style="mso-tab-count: 2;"> </span>9<span style="mso-tab-count: 2;"> </span>0<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mexican Americans</span></b><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: red;">Illustrations: </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: red;">Google images are becoming like an archive of links to
digital photos</span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: red;">Peanuts and Oranges: Support Scholarship Fund</span></b></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: red;">For those who have an extra $5 a month for scholarship, the
For Chicana/o Studies Foundation was started with money awarded to Rudy Acuña
as a result of his successful lawsuit against the University of California at
Santa Barbara. The Foundation has given over $60,000 to plaintiffs filing
discrimination suits against other universities. However, in the last half
dozen years it has shifted its focus, and it has awarded 7-10 scholarships for
$750 per award on an annual basis to Chicana/o and Latina/o students at
California State University-Northridge (CSUN). The For Chicana/o Studies
Foundation is a 501(c) (3) Foundation and all donations are deductible. Although
many of its board members are associated with Chicana/o Studies, it is not part
of the department. All monies generated go to fund these scholarships.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: red;">We know that times are hard. Lump sum donations can be sent
to For Chicana Chicano Studies Foundation, 11222 Canby Ave., Northridge, Ca.
91326 or through PayPal below. You can reach us at <a href="mailto:forchs@earthlink.net" moz-do-not-send="true">forchs@earthlink.net</a>.
Click on to </span></b><a href="http://forchicanachicanostudies.wikispaces.com/" moz-do-not-send="true"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">http://forchicanachicanostudies.wikispaces.com/</b></a><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: red;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and make a donation. You may also elect to
send $5.00, $10.00 or $25.00 monthly. For your convenience and privacy you may
donate via PayPal. The important thing is not the donation, but your continued
involvement</span></b></div>
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Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-22810267764355513872013-10-19T10:12:00.001-07:002014-03-24T07:43:53.137-07:00“Se Suelta---Un Poco—el Nudo Colonial en Puerto Rico”<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">19 de </span><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">octubre</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">
2013</span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">“Se Suelta---Un
Poco—el Nudo Colonial en Puerto Rico”</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Victor M. Rodriguez Dominguez</span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">En el 2000 escribí
un artículo basado en una primicia que fue compartida conmigo por un empleado
de la junta de planificación. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>El
empleado, el cual aun no me siento en libertad de compartir su nombre, me
informó de toda la estratagema de la administración del gobernador de ese entonces
Pedro Rosselló de burocráticamente imponer en Puerto Rico el sistema que
utiliza el censo norteamericano para medir la demografía de los grupos raciales
en Puerto Rico. Esta estrategia, que entonces fue categorizado por Don Juan
Mari Brás como la “integración automática” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>tenía
como propósito gradualmente integrar a Puerto Rico en la jalda resbalosa de la racialización
cultural <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>y social de los puertorriqueños.
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Citando del artículo
del 2002 en Claridad:</span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Desde que se
anuncio oficialmente la decisión de utilizar en Puerto Rico el mismo
cuestionario que se utiliza en los Estados, el gobierno Rosellista comenzó una
labor de esconder como y porque se realizo esta decisión. La administración
Rosellista, temía las posibles repercusiones políticas en un momento en que la
administración se encontraba aun reculando del efecto de el plebiscito de
Diciembre 13, 1998. En este, la mayoría del pueblo Boricua dio al traste con
los intentos de atosigarle la estadidad a Puerto Rico. Pero, a pesar del
mensaje claro del pueblo, el gobernador no se amilanó. <br />
<br />
La estrategia Rosellista de la "integración automática" implica
implementar administrativamente, en forma sutil, aquellos procesos que
conduzcan a reducir las diferencias sociales y culturales entre los Estados
Unidos y Puerto Rico. El desarrollo de programas bilingües, y el uso del
cuestionario del censo de los Estados Unidos son formas graduales de impulsar
unos procesos culturales y sociales que preparan a la isla para la estadidad.
Este es el legado, un caballo de Troya que la administración Rosellista le deja
al pueblo boricua y cuyas consecuencias se seguirán experimentando décadas
después de su salida de La Fortaleza. En este caso del censo, las consecuencias
serán potencialmente dramáticas. <br />
<br />
“<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Una fuente cercana a el proceso en la
junta de planificación, donde se discutió inicialmente esta decisión, me proveyó
de recortes y trasfondo de este complejo proceso. La primera noticia, que pasó
casi desapercibida, apareció en la prensa del país el 9 de enero de este año.
El Nuevo Día en la edición de ese día decía "Ingresa la isla a las
estadísticas del censo federal." El Comisionado Residente, Carlos Romero
Barceló, presenta las nuevas de que en Puerto Rico se utilizara el cuestionario
estadounidense traducido al español como una victoria de sus gestiones. En
realidad el proceso fue muy distinto. Si uno se limita a la lectura de la
cobertura de la prensa, se lleva uno la impresión de que el Buró del Censo fue
obligado a acceder a los reclamos boricuas, nada más lejos de la verdad. <br />
<br />
En el 1958, el gobernador Luis Muñoz Marín llegó a un acuerdo con el
departamento de comercio de los Estados Unidos (bajo el cual se ubica
administrativamente el buró del censo) para asegurar la participación de Puerto
Rico en determinar qué tipo de cuestionario se utilizaría en la isla. Puerto
Rico estaría representado por la junta de planificación la cual utilizaría su
experiencia técnica para determinar el contenido de dicho cuestionario. El
propósito lógico de este acuerdo era determinar primero que necesidades tenia
Puerto Rico y que tipo(s) de preguntas proveían la información necesaria para
la planificación social y económica de la cual la junta es responsable.<br />
<br />
La práctica que se desarrolló desde ese entonces, era el de un comité
interagencial que reunía a usuarios privados de la data (académicos, expertos
en mercadeo, demógrafos etc.) y las agencias gubernamentales que usaban estos
datos para cumplir sus responsabilidades gubernamentales. Estos determinaban
cuales tópicos eran necesarios y le informaban al buró federal del censo que
querían/necesitaban y así procedía el buró del censo. Existía autonomía local
en determinar estas prioridades y necesidades en cuanto a los datos y/o
preguntas. El Buró del Censo, según la fuente cercana al proceso, siempre
estuvo abierto a recibir e implementar las preguntas y/o temas que los miembros
del comité interagencial estimaban importantes.”</i></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">La decisión de
la administración del PPD era la de esconder la cuestión racial del discurso político
y social en Puerto Rico sin tener que bregar con el racismo institucionalizado que
había afectado inclusive a miembros prominentes del PPD tales como Don Ernesto
Ramos Antonini. Pero también esta decisión Rosellista cerró el espacio de relativa
autonomía que tenia la Junta de Planificación de desarrollar un instrumento demográfico
que fuera efectivo y valido en el contexto de la realidad racial de Puerto
Rico. Este tipo de información es esencial para poder medir la movilidad social
de los Afro-descendientes en Puerto Rico y mantener información sobre como el
sistema de justicia criminal viola los derechos civiles de algunos grupos en
Puerto Rico. El llamado “racial profiling” o la discriminación basada en el
perfil racial no es único y exclusivo de los Estados Unidos, es también algo
que aqueja al sistema policial en Puerto Rico. </span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">En resumen, lo
que vemos hoy en Puerto Rico es la intrusión cada vez más intensa en cada intersticio
de la sociedad puertorriqueña. El FBI, el Departamento de Justicia Federal, “Homeland
Security” y todas sus agencias, los departamentos y agencias federales y sus
programas Medicare, SNAP (cupones), FEMA, etc. Son ahora considerados normales
en la vida cotidiana de Puerto Rico. Hay una fábula popular que se refiere a “como
se puede cocinar un sapo,” y la contestación es que se pone el sapo en el
caldero y se incrementa la temperatura de la estufa gradualmente hasta que
queda completamente calcinado.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Eso es lo
que sucede en Puerto Rico con la intromisión gradual de “lo federal” en la vida
cotidiana de Puerto Rico. Gradualmente, sin choques abruptos se ha asimilado y
racializado la cultura, los medios y la sociedad en Puerto Rico. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Muchos Boricuas no se percatan porque están en
el caldero y no han percibido como el agua ha subido de temperatura y ha
cambiado la textura del tejido social de Puerto Rico. Los que viven fuera de
Puerto Rico lo notan en la distancia. Hay veces que no podemos ver el bosque
por los árboles… <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Hay veces en que
podemos atisbar un poco de descolonización en el horizonte, la reciente decisión
del secretario de justicia federal Eric Holder de suspender parcialmente la aplicación
a Puerto Rico del </span><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Omnibus Crime Control Act de 1994.</span><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;"> Este había creado una situación de conflicto cultural
al ignorar la constitución colonial de Puerto Rico que prohíbe la pena de
muerte. Esto llevo a muchos casos en los tribunales donde los jurados Boricuas
se negaron a aplicar la pena de muerte cuando la ley lo permitía. Para evitar
este conflicto el secretario tomo esta decisión. Lo interesante es que se
supone que sea el congreso quien “disponga” de asuntos relacionados con cambios
a la relaciones de Puerto Rico y el hegemón, tal y como establecieron la ley
600 y los Casos insulares. Pero aquí, como muy bien describe el abogado Daniel
Nina, de un plumazo descolonizaron un poco a Puerto Rico. También el
departamento de justicia federal <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>increpo
al departamento de policía de Puerto Rico por sus violaciones de los derechos
civiles y humanos de los estudiantes universitarios y los hermanos Dominicanos
residentes en Puerto Rico. </span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Necesitamos
muchos plumazos más, pero estos no ocurrirán espontáneamente, hace falta un
movimiento pujante por la descolonización….</span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Francisco Rivera Batiz. “Color in the Tropics:
Race and Economic Outcomes in the Island of Puerto Rico” Columbia University,
200</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">5. (Manuscrito)</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">Daniel Nina. </span><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">“ </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;"><a href="http://www.elpostantillano.com/politica/7641-daniel-nina.html"><span lang="ES-PR" style="color: windowtext; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Federales redefinen la pena de muerte en Puerto Rico…
de un plumazo” </span></a></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><u><span lang="ES-PR">El Post Antillano</span></u><span lang="ES-PR"> </span></span><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Viernes 18 de Octubre de 2013 09:34 </span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.elpostantillano.com/politica/7641-daniel-nina.html#sthash.i2Bf8kMI.dpuf">http://www.elpostantillano.com/politica/7641-daniel-nina.html#sthash.i2Bf8kMI.dpuf</a></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Víctor M. Rodríguez
Domínguez</span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">"Censo 2000: Nación, raza y el discurso
independentista" in two parts in <b><u>Claridad</u> </b>(Puerto Rico)
January 7-13, 2000 pp. 14 & 31 and January 14-20, 2000 p. 14 & 31.</span><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://ethnosboriquen.blogspot.com/2010_03_01_archive.html">http://ethnosboriquen.blogspot.com/2010_03_01_archive.html</a></span></div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Latino
Politics in the U.S.: Race, Class and Gender in the Mexican American and Puerto
Rican Experience.</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> Dubuque, IA: Kendall-Hunt Press, Rev.
2012 (2005). </span></div>
</div>
</div>
Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-83928278393839854662013-09-28T08:01:00.001-07:002013-09-28T08:01:16.132-07:00<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
El Dr. Rodolfo Acuña, autor de numerosos libros incluyendo el clásico que puso a los Estudios Chicanos en el campo academico, "Occupied America" y que fue el libro que me inicio en esta disciplina, fue fundador del departamento de Estudios Chicanos mas grande de los EUA (CSU-Northridge) . Tuve el honor de evaluar la edición del 2005 for Longman de su libro. Rudy fue siempre un aliado y solidario de la lucha por la independencia de Puerto Rico y la lucha de Vieques. <br />
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<br />
<div align="center" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Role Models</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">They could
have been contenders</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">By</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Rodolfo F.
Acuña</span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: center;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Last July salsa singer Marc Anthony, responding to a
question on television’s stereotyping of Latinos, answered that “the
entertainment industry doesn't owe us anything.” While Mr. Anthony is entitled
to his opinion, he like all of us who are Mexican American or Latino owes
something to our communities. A lot of people fought and suffered so we could
have rights – history did not begin for Puerto Ricans when Marc Anthony started
to sing. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Entertainers and athletes have historically had a
special place in the Mexican American/Latino community.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As kids, we often vicariously live through
them. I used to scour the sport pages for items on Enrique Bolaños and Art Arag</span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: MingLiU;">ón, although truth tell they were not particularly good role models.
For example, I remember how one evening I witnessed a street fight between
Aragón and Lauro Salas in Echo Park – both had been drinking heavily. </span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Sadly this is a pattern followed by most Mexican
boxers. Who can say how great Oscar de la Hoya could have been if he would had
been a role model for the kids of East LA. Instead, he chose like so many other
boxers, to party his chance to become a champion and beat Mayweather. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">For me, it was a series of disappointments. Although
that I was not a good athlete, I liked sports and looked up to the good
players.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I never got beyond over the
line softball, which I would play from 9AM to 10 PM at a local playground. In
those days, school playgrounds stayed open til 10 at night. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">The only baseball player who was Mexican that I can
remember is Bobby Avila – a Mexican born second baseman who in 1954 edged out
Ted Williams for the batting crown with a .341 batting average. However, Avila
had his heart in the homeland, and he did not reach out to us pochos – it did
not help that he played out east where they did not have a large Mexican fan
base. Avila never became a news item and did not motivate many of us.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Ironically the player Avila beat out, Ted Williams,
arguably the greatest hitter of all times, was a Mexican American.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Williams’ mother May Venzer was a Mexican
American; she married Samuel Williams and moved to San Diego where she raised
Ted as a single mother. Williams in 2001 wrote that ‘if I had had my mother’s
name, there is no doubt I would have run into problems in those days, [with]
the prejudices people had in Southern California.” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Williams was partially raised in Santa Barbara where
he visited his Mexican grandmother, who barely spoke English.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He spent time there with his cousin Manny
Herrera and the rest of his mother’s family. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Williams never wanted to be a role model, but he
surely would have had an impact on a lot of Mexican children if he had reached
out. To be fair, he played for the Boston Red Sox and not the Los Angeles
Dodgers.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Football was another favorite – at the time we were
too short to play professional basketball – so football it was. We have always
had our share of college and pro-football players. Mario Longoria, my former
student, wrote a great book, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Athletes
Remembered: Mexicano/Latino Professional Football Players, 1929-1970. </i>Mario<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> </i>does a fantastic job of chronicling
early players. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">My favorite is Joe Kapp who played quarterback in the
American and Canadian football leagues. Kapp played at the University of
California, and in the CFL he starred for the BC Lions. During the 1960s, he
played for the NFL's Minnesota Vikings – a market that was not known for a
large Mexican fan base. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Kapp was a rough and tumble player who <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Sports Illustrated</i> called "The
Toughest Chicano." He did not shy away from the label Chicano, but his
last name and where he played limited his exposure in the Mexican American
community that had a fanatical loyalty to its local teams and did not follow
much more than the local newspaper sports pages. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Joe’s passes were not pretty, but he got the ball
across the line.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Joe is listed among
the100 toughest players to ever to play the game.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Jim Plunkett was another quarterback that I followed
fanatically, from the days he made All American at Stanford to his days on the
Oakland Raiders. Plunkett never ran away from the label but his personality and
last name did not generate a following. Born to Mexican American parents with an
Irish-German great-grandfather on his paternal side, he came from a poor
family. His parents were blind; they had three children who Jim had to help by
contributing to their support at an early age.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Plunkett was drafted by the New England Patriots where
a porous line set him up to be tackling dummy. He played for them for five
years before he was traded to the San Francisco 49ers. In 1978 he was traded to
the Oakland Raiders. The late Al Davis said he was a basket case when he
arrived but Jim patiently waited two years on the bench, which paid off when he
took the Raiders to the Super Bowl and became the MVP.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Part of the problem in Plunkett’s time was that the
media unlike in the case of Marc Anthony did not hype Plunkett to the growing
Mexican American/Latino<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>market. Indeed,
his narrative is still left out of the history books. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Others like Anthony Muñoz, arguably the best left
tackle to play the game failed to become a role model. He played for the University
of Southern California and the Cincinnati Bengals. He was 6-6, 275 pounds in
high school. His grandparents were from Chihuahua, Mexico. However, he
established roots in Cincinnati where he founded The Anthony Muñoz Scholarship
Fund.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The last time I checked out the
recipients there was not a Latino among them. In a literal sense Muñoz never
came back.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">I had high hopes for Mark Sánchez. I really thought
that he would rise above his middle-class background and reach out. For a brief
moment, he captured the imagination of many of my friends by wearing a red,
white and green mouthpiece.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It seemed to
be telling people that he was proud to be a Mexican American.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Through no fault of his own he landed up with the New
York Jets playing for a coach and an owner that could have cared less about an
offensive line. This insured that he met the same fate as Plunkett, and for the
past two years he has spent most of his time on his butt.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This was not helped when Coach Rex Ryan
purposely sacrificed Sánchez and uselessly made him a target in a preseason
game. </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">But to set the record straight Sánchez made this train
wreck inevitable by trying to play Broadway Joe Namath for the past four years.
His photo is constantly in the magazines partying to wee hours of the morning
semi-nude. It takes dedication and work and discipline to be a role model.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">The last of many great players was the greatest tennis
player of all times – Richard “Pancho” González. A high school dropout from
Roosevelt High School in Boyle Heights, he literally grew up in the public
tennis courts of East LA. Early in his career he was excluded from the Country
Club courts where as a Mexican he was not welcome in what was a gentleman’s
game.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Pancho probably suffered the harshest racism and discrimination
of any Mexican American athlete. Despite this he was a champion. However,
Pancho was so bitter and emotionally damaged that he never became a role model.
</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">In my opinion, entertainers and sports figures have an
obligation to children to be good role models. After all it is our patronage
and loyalty that has contributed to their prosperity. Who do they think that
the beer commercials played in the Super Bowl are directed at? Who pays to see
boxing on Pay-Per-View TV?</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt;">Activists have this same duty to the kids. Many of
them are growing up without fathers, a growing number without mothers. If we
want to be positive role models, we should act like men and leave the birongas
at home. In answer to Mr. Anthony, we all owe the past.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">Illustrations Google images</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">Peanuts and Oranges: Support
Scholarship Fund</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">For those who have an extra
$5 a month for scholarship, the For Chicana/o Studies Foundation was started
with money awarded to Rudy Acuña as a result of his successful lawsuit against
the University of California at Santa Barbara. The Foundation has given over
$60,000 to plaintiffs filing discrimination suits against other universities.
However, in the last half dozen years it has shifted its focus, and it has
awarded 7-10 scholarships for $750 per award on an annual basis to Chicana/o
and Latina/o students at California State University-Northridge (CSUN). The For
Chicana/o Studies Foundation is a 501(c) (3) Foundation and all donations are
deductible. Although many of its board members are associated with Chicana/o
Studies, it is not part of the department. All monies generated go to fund
these scholarships.</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">We know that times are hard.
Lump sum donations can be sent to For Chicana Chicano Studies Foundation, 11222
Canby Ave., Northridge, Ca. 91326 or through PayPal below. You can reach us at <a href="mailto:forchs@earthlink.net">forchs@earthlink.net</a>. Click on to <a href="http://forchicanachicanostudies.wikispaces.com/">http://forchicanachicanostudies.wikispaces.com/</a>
and make a donation. You may also elect to send $5.00, $10.00 or $25.00
monthly. For your convenience and privacy you may donate via PayPal. The
important thing is not the donation, but your continued involvement. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
</div>
Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-37814339675119148972013-08-08T11:26:00.002-07:002013-08-08T11:27:43.616-07:00Review of Dialogando Sobre Independentismos Parte I y II 1890-1980.<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;"><i>Dialogando Sobre Independentismos Parte I y II 1890-1980.</i> </span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">(First Draft, Please Do Not Quote
Without Authorization. Comments, Suggestions?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>rodrigvm@cox.net)</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Directed and edited by
Mariel C. Marrero and Freddie Rodriguez. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">San
Juan: Producciones Zaranda, DVD 2010, 3 hours and 48 minutes. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Víctor M. Rodríguez Domínguez, Ph.D.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Department of Chicano and Latino Studies</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">California State University, Long Beach</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Documentary
and film making in Puerto Rico is always a tortuous enterprise.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In addition to the inherent artistic
challenges filmmakers face of presenting a visual narrative of a complex
historical era they also lack a supportive infrastructure for documentary or non-commercial
creative film productions in Puerto Rico. So to be able to produce, finance and
research a voluminous historical and political documentary (four DVD’s) that is
countercultural to the main political narratives that are dominant in Puerto
Rican society is quite an accomplishment.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Dialogando</i> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Sobre Independentismos, parte I y II</i><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>takes
us through 90 years of the complex development of the pro-independence movements
in Puerto Rico from 1890 through 1980. Its title, suggests there are more than
one pro-independence movements in Puerto Rico is appropriate and challenges the
monolithic view that some historians and the United States intelligence
agencies have had about the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">independentista
</i>movement. This documentary is designed in segments that correspond to the
various stages of the development of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">independentista
</i><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>movements in the island. This film could
be a great resource for courses in Puerto Rican political science and history. One
limitation for its use in the U.S. is that the interviews and the films are in
Spanish. There are no English sub-titles in this version. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Such
a massive project with 17 documentaries organized in four DVDs cannot be
summarized in a brief film review. What this review will attempt to do is focus
on some of the highlights of the hours of film and interviews and will focus on
some aspects of Puerto Rican political history that while known to specialists
are not popularly understood. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">The
documentary is divided in two main segments, Part I covers Puerto Rico’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">independentista</i> political history from
1890 through 1959 and Part II from 1960 through 1980. Part one is titled
“Between votes, slogan and trenches” it shows in seven documentaries the shift
in tactics and ideologies that have influenced independence supporters as social,
political <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and economic conditions
changed in Puerto Rico and how United States’ geopolitics shifted in the early
years of U.S. domination.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Part II which
is titled “The New Struggle” captures the period following the Cuban Revolution
and the intensification of demands for the decolonization of Puerto Rico, the
rise of new tactics, ideologies and organizations which gave a new dynamic to
the anti-colonial struggle in the island. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is the most extensive part of the project
and the one that reveals the most intriguing information about internecine<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> independentista</i> political struggles and
details about the underground armed struggle which had not been revealed
publicly before. This is also a period of intensification of federal
surveillance and repression of pro-independence organizations and individuals. During
this time, 1960-80, important grassroots struggles developed in Puerto Rican
communities in the continental United States. The growth of Puerto Rican
communities in the Northeast and Midwest of the United States as a result of
the large scale emigration of islanders after World War II, provided another
fertile soil for the pro-independence movement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The experiences of racism, ghettoization provided concrete experiences
of oppression to the immigrants that lent credence to the anti-imperialist discourse
of the independentistas.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It also
provided a space for the expansion of pro-independence organizations which
participated in community struggles, anti-war efforts, feminist and labor
struggles, and armed activities against corporate and government targets.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The diasporic experience will be the focus of
another forthcoming project Part III by the producers of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Dialogando</i>. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">What
is unique of this effort and which separates it from others efforts that have
attempted to provide a narrower glimpse of chapters and events of the history
of the anti-colonial political struggles in Puerto Rico are the impressive
array of interviews of leading scholars, activists. More than 100 oral and
video interviews are included with some of the main participants of these
social movements. We are able to get insights from people who were in the
frontlines of many of these crucial political events.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In addition, some of the leading scholars
whose work has focused on the politics and history of the movement provide
insights that provide a framework to the archival materials from the various
historical events and the political figures. The quality of the contextualizing
provided by the interviews provides more nuanced interpretations of the
politics that shaped Puerto Rican society throughout that period. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Also, the music chosen as background indicates
some familiarity with the way culture, and its expressive forms was intricately
related to the social movements and the politics of the various periods.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Since
the 19<sup>th</sup> century, anti-colonial activists used diverse electoral
strategies, diplomatic strategies,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>armed
struggle, student and labor union strategies, community organizing strategies
and became, much like the Cuban struggle for independence a transnational
movement. Since Puerto Ricans and other anti-colonial activists were
challenging the United States as a rising empire in the late 19<sup>th</sup>
century and a more aggressive imperial nemesis in the 20<sup>th</sup> century their
struggle straddled Puerto Rican communities abroad, including within the United
States. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">The
lineup of interviewees is quite impressive, from the radical socialist scholar Rafael
Bernabe (University of Puerto Rico) who recently authored with Cesar Ayala <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Puerto Rico in the American Century</i>
(2007) an erudite<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>political and cultural
history of Puerto Rico; Wilfredo Mattos Cintrón, physicist, socialist scholar
and activist; Fermín Arraiza hijo, attorney and whose father was a prominent political
leader of the now defunct Puerto Rican Socialist party; Doris Pizarro, social
work professor, one of the few Black women in the leadership of the Puerto
Rican Socialist Party and an activist in various anti-colonial political
organizations; Juan Mari Bras, Attorney and principal leader of the Puerto
Rican Socialist Party, in what was probably the last interview of one of the
leading political leaders of the period called the “<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Nueva Lucha</i>.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What is
helpful of this work is the care in selecting how each interviewee provides a
glimpse into aspects of the political struggles that can’t always be captured
in an article or a book. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The interviews
of scholars like Francisco Moscoso, one of the leading social historians in the
island; <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Maria Margarita Flores Collazo a
cultural historian; <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Juan Giusti, also an
activist historian; Antonio Fernós Lopez, recently deceased law professor
(2011); Attorney Ruben Berrios, a former senator and leader of the
Pro-Independence Party and a major protagonist in anti-colonial political
struggles since after World War II provide insights by scholars and political
activists who shaped and influenced the social movements. In addition, interviewees
like Rosa Meneses Albizu, the daughter of Pedro Albizu Campos provide
interesting insider perspectives of the life of the leading pro-independence
leader of the 20<sup>th</sup> century.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
diverse academic and political perspectives truly provide a comprehensive
perspective of a very complex array of movements and organizations. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Given the broad range
of events and perspectives this documentary provides, it is necessary to
provide some highlights from each section and a final summary of the
contributions this work makes to a deeper understanding of Puerto Rico’s
political history. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Part
1: 1890-1959</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Given
the transnational nature of the struggle for the liberation of Puerto Rico the
first part of the series reveals the role of some of the leading Puerto Rican political
activists who did significant work in exile. Given the interrelationships of
Puerto Rican and other Caribbean nations, we are introduced to the ideas of
Eugenio Maria de Hostos, Ramon Emeterio Betances and Jose Marti to form a <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Confederacion Antillana</i>, an alliance of
the Hispanic Caribbean nations. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">The
idea of the alliance as a way to achieve their liberation, was concretized in
the many Cubans, Dominicans and Puerto Ricans who became involved in the
liberation struggles of Puerto Rico and Cuba. Juan Rius Rivera, a participant
in the first major pro-independence insurrection in Puerto Rico in 1868 the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Grito de Lares</i>, was later to become the
commanding general of the Cuban Liberation army in the second Cuban War of
Independence. Many other Puerto Ricans fought in the Dominican Republic’s revolutionary
efforts and the various Cuban wars of independence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Later, Puerto Ricans like Jose Julio Henna,
Roberto H. Todd who were members of the Puerto Rican section of the Cuban
Revolutionary Party’s struggle for independence, also shared annexationist
ideas as some other Cubans leaders did. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Henna
and Todd perceived the United States as a federation of nations that could
accommodate Puerto Rico and Cuba in its midst. However, Puerto Rico and Cuba since
the 18<sup>th</sup> century had already developed a clear national identity
that would not fit within the U.S. national project. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The territories conquered previously by the
United States from the Mexican American War, the Louisiana Purchase and the
Alaska purchase were sparsely populated with populations without a clear
national identity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This made their
integration and settlement by Anglos more practical. Cuba and Puerto Rico, with
larger populations and a sense of national identity made that integration
project more challenging. Since it became clearer the U.S. did not have plans
to integrate on an equal level these populations, ironically, some of these
proponents of annexation to the United States became disillusioned with the
imperial politics of the United States and were founders of the first
pro-independence party in Puerto Rico under U.S. colonial control.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Rafael Bernabe’s interview provides an
interesting framework to make sense of this group of Puerto Ricans who
straddled what have been contrasting political aspirations of Puerto Ricans. The
complexity and fluidity of Puerto Rican anti-colonial politics are revealed in
the helpful analyses provided by the interviews. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">The
role of U.S. colonial policies shaping Puerto Rico’s political economy serves as
the background for the shifting of political alliances among the various newly
formed political parties under U.S. colonial control.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The archival photos and films give a
realistic portrayal of social conditions in the island. While General Nelson A.
Miles, who led the invading forces of the United States through Guanica, had
promised that the “We have not come to make war upon the people of a country
that for centuries has been oppressed, but, on the contrary, to bring you
protection, not only to yourselves, but to your property; to promote your
prosperity, and bestow upon you the immunities and blessings of the liberal
institutions of our government” his promise was not realized.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On the contrary, the military govern and
their devaluation of the peso, the freezing of credit and other measures reaped
havoc in the fragile economy of the island. As disillusionment pervades the
island’s political elites about U.S. imperial designs over Puerto Rico, parties
shift alliances and begin to accommodate to the reality on the ground. The <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Partido Union</i> de Puerto Rico, the
leading political organization of the first decades of U.S. domination at one
point favored statehood, independence and then all of them at the same time. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">While
there are no new revelations in this first segment it provides a good
background to the rise of the principal force in liberation politics during the
first decades of the 20<sup>th</sup> century.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The role of nationalism in Puerto Rico is illustrated by focusing on the
historical figure of Pedro Albizu Campos. The rise of Pedro Albizu Campos as a
leader of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Partido Nacionalista de
Puerto Rico</i> (PNPR) after his return from the United States where he
received a law degree from Harvard University, helped transform a party that was
more about rituals and cultural nationalism into a national liberation
movement. Pedro Albizu Campos becomes for many decades the leading force of the
pro-independence movement and the principal nemesis of U.S. colonial
governments. For a colonized people, habituated to passively obeying and whose
liberties were very limited the message of Albizu Campos directly challenging
the “Americanos” inspired both fear and admiration. The documentary pieces
together historical events that provide a helpful narrative that describes the
oppressive conditions that led to the armed struggle that nationalists carried
out against the colonial government. It also tells the story of the violent repression
carried out by the colonial government against broad sectors of the
pro-independence movement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This
repression, with different methods would continue into the late 20<sup>th</sup>
century under FBI programs such as COINTELPRO and the local intelligence office
of the Puerto Rican police. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">This
segment highlights the role of political leaders that until recently have not
received attention by many students of the pro independence movement. The <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Partido de la Independencia </i>founded by Rosendo
Matienzo Cintron, Llorens Torres and Zeno Gandia, hardly ever a major part of
the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">independentista </i>historical
narrative, although short lived had a more progressive political platform than
the Nationalist Party. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While founded by
former annexationists---usually depicted as conservative--- they proposed
progressive labor laws, women’s suffrage and the creation of public
corporations to lead the economic development of the island. In the meantime the
leading political party the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Partido Union</i>
is able to govern for 20 years while accommodating its policies to the colonial
status quo.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Jose de Diego, an iconic
figure in the pro-independence movement and the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Partido Union</i> leads the struggle to preserve the use of Spanish as
official language of Puerto Rico while at the same time serving as a lawyer for
the sugar trusts who controlled the island’s economy. This contradiction placed
De Diego on a number of occasions against the rising labor movement. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Although
the United States did not have plans to incorporate Puerto Rico on equal terms,
given that its political and legal institutions were much more advanced than
the monarchical Spain its rule it provided a space where various groups were
able to organize, especially the labor movement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Under the leadership of Santiago Iglesias
Pantin, a Spanish citizen who had been involved in labor organizing in Puerto
Rico and who had been jailed under the Spanish regime, workers organized in
1915 the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Partido Socialista</i>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While some significant members and leaders supported
independence the party itself did not favor independence, the relationship
Iglesias Pantin developed particularly with U.S. pro-imperialist labor leaders
like Samuel Gompers moved the party gradually to a more annexationist position.
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">While
Puerto Rico began to experience the ravages of the 1930s depression workers
developed their labor organizations and the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Partido
Socialista</i>, in the meantime the nationalist party under the leadership of
Pedro Albizu Campos experienced a transformation. From 1930 until 1965 the
party left its formal aristocratic struggle for sovereignty (what Albizu
Campos, according to his daughter called <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">nacionalismo
de carton </i>) and became a movement to directly resist U.S. colonial
authorities. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This direct contestation of
U.S. colonial rule was admired by many although the fear of the power and
authority of the U.S regime did not lead many to join forces with the
nationalists. However, in 1934, sugar workers all across the island went on a
general strike and asked for the leadership of Pedro Albizu Campos. Historian
Felix Cordoba Iturregui, explains how Pedro Albizu Campos had gained the
respect of the workers. Workers felt he was an honest leader and they had been
recently betrayed in their collective bargaining by their union leadership.
This bold move by the sugar workers evidenced the respect that Albizu Campos
had among some broader sectors of the population. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This also, according to historian Felix
Cordova Iturregui made the colonial authorities more concerned since the
economic and the political struggles could overlap and challenge the status
quo. This potential alliance between Nationalists and the laboring classes
would give the pro-independence movement a powerful social base. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">In
response to these developments the colonial authorities began to use more
extreme measures to repress the nationalists. All the governors of the island
were appointed by the president; many of those named were southerners with
significant racial prejudices against Puerto Ricans. In 1934, President
Franklyn Delano Roosevelt appointed Gov. Blanton Winship , a Southerner who had
served in the U.S. Army who went on to name another former military officer
Col. Francis Riggs as chief of the Puerto Rico Police. Col. Riggs, as an
intelligence officer had served in Nicaragua where he was responsible for the
assassination of Nicaraguan patriot Cesar Sandino. Under Col. Riggs’ leadership
the police of Puerto Rico was militarized and went on to carry a more
aggressive repression against the nationalists. Rosa Meneses Albizu, says that
her father told her that Col. Riggs, in a meeting with her father, offered him
some economic benefits if he changed course, which he refused.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Col. Riggs responded saying then “there is
going to be war” to which Albizu Campos responds, "yes there will be war
against the colony." </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Historian
Ramon Bosque Perez, whose work has focused on the various means used by the
U.S. government to repress the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">independentistas</i>,
explains how the fear the U.S. had that it might have a social insurrection in
the island led it to take even more repressive measures. At the same time, the
Nationalists had gradually been able to directly challenge the colonial
authorities in order to educate Puerto Ricans not to fear the U.S.
authorities.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">The
colonial government immediately began the war. In 1935 four nationalists were
killed in Rio Piedras in what has been known as the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Masacre de Rio Piedras</i>. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Juan
Mari Bras attributes the orders to teach the nationalists a lesson to Governor
Blanton Winship. The nationalists in turn responded to the killings by sending Hiram
Rosado and Elias Beauchamp<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>members of
the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Cadetes de la Republica </i>, a
paramilitary organization of the Nationalist Party , to execute Col. Riggs.
Both nationalists were captured and later executed by the police in the Rio
Piedras police station. These events and those which followed only exacerbated
the nationalist sentiment of confronting the authority of the U.S. in Puerto
Rico. Juan Mari Bras explains how the figure of Pedro Albizu Campos had
influenced some sectors of the population, when in 1936 a number of leading
leaders of the Nationalist Party are arrested, including Pedro Albizu Campos,
the federal court had to conduct two trials against Albizu since in the first
one, the Puerto Rican jury did not vote to indict, it was only after another
jury, mostly made up of North Americans that finally the jury was able to indict
Albizu.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">The
repression escalated with the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Masacre de
Ponce</i> on March 21, 1937. The nationalists had called for a peaceful march
to commemorate the abolition of slavery in the southern city of Ponce, although
the marchers were unarmed Governor Blanton Winship ordered the Puerto Rican
police to attack the marchers. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>19
marchers were killed and 200 were wounded. This and other violent events
changed the dynamics of the Nationalist Party tactics against the colonial
authorities. The combination of the new leadership of Albizu Campos and the
intensification of repression confirmed for many that U.S. rule over Puerto
Rico would not lead to the expansion of democracy. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In fact, Antonio Fernós, professor in
constitutional law, also recently deceased (2011), explains that despite the
fact that in late 1940s Puerto Rico had elected a majority of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the members of the Puerto Rican colonial
legislature they were not able to exercise any measure of sovereignty. The
legislature had approved a locally managed plebiscite to decide the future
relationship with the United States, the U.S. government appointed governor
vetoed the law, the legislature overcame the veto with the support of
two-thirds of the legislature. President Truman then proceeded to veto the
legislature’s legislation. Truman explained that he did not want the people of
Puerto Rico to think that the U.S. would grant Puerto Rico’s right to choose
its future political destiny.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">In
1950, frustration and feelings of powerlessness by the nationalists was
intensified as the principal political party, the Popular Democratic Party, led
by Luis Munoz Marin---who had at one point been an <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Independentista</i> and a socialist--- led to the creation of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Estado Libre Asociado (</i>in English translated
as the Commonwealth<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">). </i>This political
arrangement was seen by <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">independentistas</i>
as a farce and a ruse concocted by Munoz Marin to disguise the reality of
Puerto Rico’s colonial status.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
Nationalist Party had been preparing for an insurrection but had to begin the
effort earlier because their plans had been revealed by informants. The
insurrection called by the Nationalist party led to a number of skirmishes in a
number of towns where Nationalists led the insurrection, more than 25
nationalists were killed and thousands of other non-nationalists who supported
independence were jailed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Further, two
nationalists carried out an armed attack against Blair House in Washington D.C.,
the temporary residence of President Truman in 1950, one of the nationalists,
Griselio Torresola died in the attack and another Oscar Collazo survived and
was jailed. Later in 1954, after the Popular Democratic Party had been able to
get the United States to convince the United Nations to remove Puerto Rico from
the list of colonial territories, a commando of four nationalists entered the
gallery of the House of Representatives, unfurled a Puerto Rican flag, fired
shot at congress, shouted “Free Puerto Rico Now.” Five congressmen were
injured. This was the last major political action occurring under the
leadership of the Nationalist Party. Oscar Collazo and the four nationalists,
Lolita Lebrón, Irving Flores, Rafael Cancel Miranda and Andres Figueroa Cordero
were sentenced to lengthy jail terms in federal prisons. The documentary has
film, photos and interviews providing background for this event. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">As
these events unfolded U.S. and Puerto Rican <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">independentista</i>
relations began to be shaped by the politics of the cold war. While the
nationalists were still the focus of attention now the focus was on the
communists. Another shift was the increasing role that the colonial government
now led by the Popular Democratic Party (PPD) had in the political repression
of independentistas and communists. A “Muffle Law” was approved by the PPD
controlled colonial legislature, similar to the Smith Act in the United States which
limited the political and civil rights of the pro-independence forces. The
political repression escalated while at a time the main pro-independence electoral
political party, the Partido Independentista Puertorriqueño (PIP), had declined
from being the main opposition party in 1952 with more than 19 per cent of the
vote to its precipitous decline to 12.1 per cent in 1956. Its rise according to
the scholars was not necessarily due to a increase in independentistas but to
its positioning as the main opposition party while the Republican pro-statehood
forces had been weakened by the electoral victories of its main contenders the
Popular Democratic Party and the Pro-Independence Party. Internal divisions continued
to develop within the PIP and were exacerbated when in 1959 a contending
organization, the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Movimiento Pro Independencia</i>
(MPI) was formed by former PIP members he left the party. The MPI was
strongly<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>influenced by the Cuban
Revolution. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Earlier, in 1956, the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Federacion Universitaria Pro-Independencia</i>
(FUPI) was formed, also influenced by<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Nationalist and Marxist ideologies. This organization rose up to become
the most important student organization in the next decades. It also provided a
number of young activists to the more militant <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Movimiento Pro Independencia</i> (MPI), which became the leading
catalyst for a more active, radical leftist pro-independence movement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Part II: 1959-1980 <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">In
this section we are provided with analysis and documentary film about the
factors that shaped pro-independence politics in the island from the 1960s
until the late 1970s. This period was a time of increased political activism
and particularly because of the expansion of youth activism both at the
university level and middle and high school. While this was a period of an almost
global surge in youth activism in the Americas and Europe, in Puerto Rico there
were some endogenous factors that propelled the social movements. Puerto Rico
also had its generation gap after WWII with a new generation who had grown
under the colonial system that ironically in the 1950s-60s had experienced some
level of economic growth. This generation was not familiar with the depression
but was being challenged by the imperial demands to serve the United States as
cannon fodder in the wars brought about by the Cold war. For this generation of
the 60s and 70s it was not the Korean War that was the defining challenge for
Puerto Ricans it was the Vietnam War. While many Puerto Ricans resisted the
draft during the Korean War, during the Vietnam War the resistance to the draft
was sharper and more extensive than in the United States. It was so effective
that the draft in Puerto Rico, because of the thousands of Puerto Rican youth
who resisted induction, eventually collapsed and only a small number of people
were incarcerated. Also important is that access to an expanded public university
education had expanded while new political organizations developed after the
electoral collapse in 1960 and 1964 of traditional pro-independence parties
like the Pro-Independence Party (PIP). These new political organizations and
new actors infused the new stage of the movements with Marxist ideology and
tactics, non-violent civil disobedience, and armed struggle. The example of the
Cuban Revolution and its more national brand of Marxism made more palatable
Marxism among broad sectors of the movements. While Marxism had earlier influenced
sectors of the labor movement (giving rise to the Puerto Rican Communist Party
in 1934 and to the formation of a major industrial union the CGT) for the first
time the ideology also became pervasive among students and among non-industrial
workers. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">One
of the most important political developments during these two decades was the
formation of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Movimiento
Pro-Independencia</i> (MPI). We hear from some of the leading founders of the
MPI, like its former secretary general Juan Mari Bras, Providencia Trabal a
long time leading political activist and others who left the more conservative PIP
in order to create a more militant organization. Other informants like Felix
Ojeda Reyes, Antonio Gaztambide, Florencio Merced, Doris Pizarro, Manuel De J.
Gonzalez were part of the youth who gave the organization a youthful character
and led it to, in conjunction with the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Federacion
de Universitario Pro-Independencia</i> (FUPI) at the university level and the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Federacion de Estudiantes Pro-Independencia</i>
at the middle school and high school level, to a massive pro-independence
activism among the island’s youth.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We
hear from Julio Muriente an MPI activist from Fajardo <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>about the struggle against the military draft,
we also hear from Juan Giusti about the repression the MPI endured in the
1970s.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the early 1970s after a violent
conflict between pro-statehood activists and i<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">ndependentistas</i> at the University of Puerto Rico many leaders and activists
of the MPI had sought refuge in the organization’s headquarters in downtown Rio
Piedras. The pro-statehood mob began to attack the building with rocks and
Molotov cocktails. We hear from Angel Agosto, who would later become Secretary
of Labor Affairs for the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, explaining how police
officers surrounding the headquarters at one point, instead of protecting the
building and the people under siege provided incendiary devices to them. The
events that day were an indication of how political dynamics would change from
the labor struggles of the 1930s, and away from the Nationalist’s tactics of
armed defense. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The next decade, from
1970 through 1980 the influence of socialism became not only prevalent among
the MPI activists it also began to infuse the largest <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">independentista</i> organization in the island the PIP. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">The
transformation of the PIP from a traditional electoral conservative
organization is told by participants in this process like Luis Angel Torres,
and Carlos Gallisa.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Luis Angel Torres
was a leader of the PIP university youth and was later elected with Carlos
Gallisa in 1972 to Puerto Rico’s House of Representatives as the first PIP
legislators in decades.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This occurs at a
time when the PIP had chosen the motto of Independence, Socialism and Democracy
as their standard bearer.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Luis Angel
Torres, who today is a leader of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Movimiento
Socialista de Trabajadores</i> (MST), an organization that emerged after some
transformations from a group that defected from the PIP, provides interesting
insights. As a former legislator for the PIP and a leader of the radical youth
within the PIP he provides some nuanced information about the changes that took
place within the PIP. He also attests to the strong influence that Marxist
theory and practice had achieved among some sectors of the PIP, particularly
its youth. We learn of the strong reaction that the leadership of the organization
had to the activities of PIP youth, especially during a massive gathering they
had before the 1972 elections when a large contingent of young PIP militants
paraded with posters of Marx, Lenin, and Che Guevara in the Hiram Bithorn
stadium in 1972. The documentary provides a background to understand what was
happening in the island in the early 1970s, the internecine debates and the
unexpected outcomes of the organizing the PIP had in crucial struggles like the
efforts to bring to an end the use of the island of Culebra by the U.S. navy.
This rejuvenated and more radical organization also was involved in communities
of squatters who took over fallow land in order to establish their homes. The
use of direct action by the now socialist-influenced PIP led the leadership of
the party to engage in civil disobedience. The president of the party, Ruben
Berrios Martinez led a group of leaders and activists of the party in
trespassing into the Culebra target zone, building structures and stopping the
naval bombing they also provided support and political education in the new
squatter settlements.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">This
was a period of some competition between the PIP/MPI for the role of leader of
the pro-independence movement. While the PIP’s socialism was social democratic,
the MPI was moving to a more Marxist Leninist ideology and practice. The fact
that the PIP moved closer to the MPI created a new dynamic that led these
organizations into actions to establish a clearer demarcation between them to
recruit followers. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In terms of the
struggle in Culebra, we hear from the interview with Juan Mari Bras, of the
Movement Pro-Independence (MPI), that they sought to expand the activism
against the navy in Culebra with different tactics.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Instead of planning civil disobedience activities
on the shore as the PIP they sought two boats that navigated through Flamingo
Bay where naval ships practiced their sea to shore bombardment. This risky
tactic was effective in getting some publicity as a more radical protest and
effectively led to the suspension of the bombing also. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the end, the Ruben Berrios and his
followers who had created an encampment in the target zone in Culebra would be
arrested and jailed in a local federal prison. This gave the PIP an
international projection thanks to the Social Democratic International the PIP
had joined earlier. But the efforts of Puerto Rican activists eventually led
the Secretary of Defense to close down military activities in Culebra in 1975.
Unfortunately, the military use of the larger neighboring island of Vieques
increased.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This would lead to another
movement of resistance which developed in the 1980s until 2003 when the U.S. Navy
finally suspended its activities in Vieques. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">We
also get to hear from Juan Mari Bras about the founding of the Puerto Rican
Socialist Party. Some dissidents of the PIP created the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Movimiento Socialista Popular</i> (MSP, today MST) while others joined
the Puerto Rican Socialist Party. Initially the PSP did not participate in the
electoral process and concentrated its efforts in organizing cells in labor
unions and working class communities. We hear from Pedro Grant, one of the most
important labor leaders during this period talk about how effective the PSP
organizing was during this time. Most of the principal labor leaders,
particularly in the public sectors were in some relationship with the PSP.
Party activists were present in labor struggles around the country providing a
public presence of the party among island workers. For example, the Newspaper
Guild who organized journalists, truck drivers and printers in the largest
newspapers in Puerto Rico had significant number of PSP militants. In the
newspaper <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">El Mundo </i>the Guild called
for a lengthy strike that garnered massive support from other unions and
students and which led to armed actions against helicopters used by the company
to transport scabs into the plant. We hear from Angel Agosto, Secretary of
Labor Affairs of the PSP providing some insights of how these armed actions
were carried out.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">While
some have criticized the PSP<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>for
overestimating its popular support, the party decided to register as a
political party and participate in the 1976 elections.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We hear various perspectives, including Florencio
Merced, former leader of the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Federacion
de Estudiantes Universitarios<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Independentistas</i> (FUPI) who had joined the PSP talking about the
decision of the new organization to participate in the electoral process of
1976. This electoral process provided the largest number of pro-independence
votes for the pro-independence movement since the 1952 elections when 19 per
cent of the voters chose the PIP. In these elections, while the PSP only
received 10,000 and the PIP 83,000 together they achieved a very impressive
showing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>According to Merced, for a
Marxist Leninist organization to receive 10,000 votes in Puerto Rico under
surveillance and in very oppressive circumstances this was an important effort.
This evaluation is shared by former PIP leader Noel Colon Martinez and other
interviewees who agreed it was an important achievement. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">While
some of the interviews provide reaffirmation of what is known about some
historical chapters of Puerto Rico’s political history, there is intriguing new
information about how divisions impacted political organizations in myriad
ways.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We hear from Samuel Aponte, a
leader with the Puerto Rican Independence Party (PIP) and the director of its
newspaper <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">La Hora</i> who later abandoned
the party because of what they considered the authoritarian leadership of
Attorney Ruben Berrios. We are also able to hear Attorney Ruben Berrios provide
his own perspective about these political and historical events. We hear from
Carlos Gallisá, who represented the PIP in the Puerto Rican senate and later
resigned from the party and became a representative in the House of
Representatives for the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, a Marxist Leninist
organization. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Also
this is the first time that a public document like this documentary reveals
information from participants in the clandestine groups engaged in armed
struggle in Puerto Rico. Especially after the mid-1970s, there was an increase
in the number of organizations which participated in underground military
actions against military and other symbols of U.S. power in Puerto Rico. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At one point in time at least 20 groups had
organized themselves to engage in clandestine military actions. </span><span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Groups like the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Movimiento
Independentista Revolucionario Armado</i> (MIRA), <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Comandos Armados de Liberacion</i> (CAL), <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Organizacion de Voluntarios Para la Revolucion Puertorriqueña</i> (OVRP)
and the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Partido Revolucionario de los</i>
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Trabajadores Puertorriqueños- Ejercito
Popular Boricua</i> (PRTP-EPB) and others carried out bank robberies,
expropriation of explosives, weapons, ambushes of military units, bombings. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">We
hear from a leading organizer about how these organizations coalesced, how they
organized, what blunders were committed, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>in fact revelations that were only privy to
very few activists in the island.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">These
revelations indicate the extent and depth of the underground military
resistance that Puerto Rican organizations were able to develop under the
pressure of naval, military, and other intelligence gathering agencies and
units of the United States’ government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Also, it is interesting how this development occurred at times as a self
sustaining movement with a significant network of underground supporters. It
challenges the idea that these organizations operated in a vacuum or only with
external support. The <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Macheteros</i>
(PRTP-EPB) was probably the largest and most effective organization who
achieved an almost legendary image among many in Puerto Rico. Most of its
actions as one of the interviewees explains were not merely military actions in
a vacuum but political agitation. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When Angel
Rodriguez Cristobal was killed in a federal prison in Tallahassee, Florida, the
federal government alleged he committed suicide.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Photographic evidence surfaced showing that
his body had traumas from beatings or torture which led many to believe he was
murdered by federal officials. In response the PRTP-EPB sent a squad of armed
militants to the Naval Base in Sábana Seca and machine gunned a bus carrying
naval personnel killing two sailors. They alleged this was a political attack
to challenge the sense of disempowerment Puerto Ricans felt when repressive
events took place against independentistas. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">The
challenge of a project like this is that it is such a rich history that it is a
challenge to be inclusive of everything that has shaped the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">independentista</i> movement for almost a
century. But in all fairness, this work covers the highlights and neuralgic
moments and leaders and movements in a way that very few books have been able
to achieve. What this project reveals is that despite the perception that the
pro-independence movement has been a rigid, inflexible political effort, this
documentary evidences that the movement has been able to transform itself at
different times and survive despite facing surveillance and repression from the
most powerful empire in human history.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>It also highlights the intense surveillance and disruptive efforts
carried out by U.S. intelligence and police agencies to derail and eradicate
the efforts of Puerto Rican activists to gain sovereignty for one of the
“Oldest Colony” in the modern world. This retrospective also provides a new
perspective that can allow us to make sense of the future developments in
Puerto Rico’s journey to find its rightful place in the 21<sup>st</sup>
century.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; text-indent: .5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%;">Hopefully
the producer will be able to conclude the third part of this series. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="ES-PR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Sponsored by Fundación Puertorriqueña de la Humanidades; Fundación
Manrique Cabrera; National Endowment of the Humanities, Carlos Delg</span><span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">ado. </span></div>
</div>
Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-16576359828599048932013-07-22T08:42:00.000-07:002013-07-22T08:42:43.128-07:00Al Garete Reseña<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Al Garete</i> <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Waldemar hermina Gerena. Portilla Publishing,
2013, 296 pages and index. </div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Reseña: <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Dr. Victor M. Rodriguez Dominguez, CSULB.</span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Reseña (Verano
2013)</span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Fui
sorprendido al recibir en mi buzón en el departamento de Estudios Chicanos y
Latinos de la Universidad Estatal de California en Long Beach, un libro escrito
en español por un Boricua de Glendale, California. Glendale es una ciudad del
sur de California que históricamente ha sido el asentamiento de inmigrantes Armenios.
Me intrigó eso de que un Boricua en Glendale escribiera un libro, una novela en
Español y que decidiera enviármela. Como sociólogo casi no tengo tiempo de leer
libros o ensayos fuera de mi disciplina. Por eso es que la coincidencia de que
acababa de terminar un semestre muy ajetreado---una pesada carga académica, viajes
con estudiantes a Puerto Rico, seminarios, talleres---y de comenzar un verano
donde no planifiqué nada profesional para poder disfrutar del tiempo con mi
esposa y mis nietos fue fortuita. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mi pasión
original, además de la historia era la literatura cuando cursaba estudios en la
Facultad de Humanidades en la Universidad en Puerto Rico. Pero mis destrezas como
escritor no están en la ficción, ni en la poesía, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>lo que usualmente escribo y leo son las
ciencias sociales e historia. </span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Admito que
muchos autores Latinos me envían a la oficina sus libros para que los revise
con la esperanza de que opte por utilizarlos en mis cursos. Esto ocurre muy
raramente pues usualmente recibo obras de ficción que raramente puedo
incorporar a mis prontuarios. Mis cursos bregan con la sociología política de
los Latinos en los EUA, la racialización de la identidad Latina (como los grupos
Latino Americanos se comienzan a identificar interna y externamente como grupo
raciales en los EUA), sus condiciones socioeconómicas y además comparo las
comunidades Latinas en los EUA en términos de su incorporación a los EUA (conquista,
migración). Empecé a ojear el libro con la suspicacia altanera que
desarrollamos cuando estamos en la academia. Pero no pude ponerlo a un lado, lo
terminé en unos días atraído y sorprendido porque está muy bien escrito y
porque su atractiva trama brega con una de mis pasiones. La tragedia social, política
y económica de mi país, una de las últimas colonias del planeta es algo que he
tratado de comprender por decadas. Un país asediado por la descomposición de su
tejido social, por las consecuencias del crimen, la pobreza y el descalabro
social y económico. En Latino América dicen que cuando los Estados Unidos
tienen catarro (o gripe como se dice por acá) en la América Latina sufrimos pulmonía.
En el caso de Puerto Rico con una dependencia económica y política casi total
de los Estados Unidos, la pulmonía se convierte en una pulmonía doble. </span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">De forma
entretenida e ingeniosa Hermina nos teje la historia de un personaje, Mario
Quintanilla Rodríguez, que en cierta forma representa los vaivenes y
experiencias de Puerto Rico y los Borinqueños. No es un personaje construido
para que nos identifiquemos con él porque usualmente toma los senderos
incorrectos y no aprende de sus errores. No es un personaje que nos cause pena
ni simpatía es un personaje trágico y en ocasiones despreciable. Pero, su
narrativa nos atrae pues pensamos que en algún momento dejará sus desvaríos (si
somos optimistas) y se tornará en un personaje que hará cosas importantes para sí
y para su familia. Lamentablemente, el final no es un final feliz pero es un
final al que poco a poco nos acostumbramos a aceptar. </span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Durante la
narrativa el autor nos enlaza con eventos de la historia relativamente reciente
de Puerto Rico y del contorno de los pueblitos de la costa norte de la isla. La
política corrupta, los vaivenes del estatus político, los huracanes, el
trasiego de droga y la “tiraera”son todas partes de la vida trágica de Puerto
Rico. La descomposición de la familia Puertorriqueña, las madres solteras, los
padres irresponsables y una economía depredadora son partes del escenario trágico
de Puerto Rico.</span></div>
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<span lang="ES-PR" style="mso-ansi-language: ES-PR;">Sin decirlo
de forma explícita esta novela es una denuncia del sistema tema colonial de
Puerto Rico y nos describe, sin decirlo abiertamente, como el sistema sofoca y
destruye a los individuos y el país. De nuevo aprendo que la literatura, como decía
una profesora en la UPR nos ofrece una ventana para comprender aun mejor la
realidad social. Esta novela es una muy bien escrita metáfora de la realidad
social, cultural de nuestra isla. Su titulo, “Al Garete” es muy apropiado ya
que describe no solo la realidad de la vida de Mario sino la realidad social, económica
y política de Puerto Rico. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-77145988753843665552013-07-21T13:02:00.000-07:002013-07-21T13:02:46.461-07:00The Inconvenient Truth Erasure of Memory By Rodolfo F. Acuña<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<div align="center" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">The Inconvenient Truth </span></b></div>
<div align="center" class="MsoNoSpacing" style="text-align: center;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">Erasure of Memory</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">By</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">Rodolfo F. Acuña</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Every profession has canons that their members must adhere to in order
to be considered ethical. For example, among the original canons for
journalists were sincerity, truthfulness and accuracy: “Good faith with the
reader is the foundation of all journalism worthy of the name.” The Code of
Ethics elaborated that professional journalists should be impartial, tell the
truth, differentiate between fact and the author’s conclusions and
interpretations, and finally that they use common decency. </span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">These canons are similar to those of other professions, and like other
professionals good journalists attempt to meet these standards. Indeed, I have
heard reporters criticize their own papers and the failure of their newspapers
to differentiate between news reports and opinion pieces. </span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">I remember conversations with the late Frank Del Olmo, an associate
editor, columnist and reporter for <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Los Angeles Times</i> who spent a lifetime trying to change the culture of the
newspaper from within. Frank and other Chicana/o journalist took these canons
to heart, and they would vet my versions and the accounts of others as to what
happened in order to arrive at the Truth. However, in recent years this has
increasingly changed especially in small media markets where reporters of both
genders have become “hit men.” </span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">An obvious reason for this deterioration is the growth in information
sources, with newspapers and media outlets hiring their reporters on the cheap.
It has become the age of the blogger where everyone considers his or herself a
journalist – no matter what their credentials or background. Unfortunately,
they have no special training or a sense of the history of the profession – in
other words there is no historical memory. </span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Another contributing factor is what Eric Hoffer coined in his book <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The True Believer</i>. In it Hoffer
discusses the psychological causes of fanaticism. He analyzes the motives of
the various types of personalities in mass movements. </span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Some overzealous admirers of the term, however, try to limit his
criticisms to Communism and the left, ignoring that he also discusses Fascism,
National Socialism, Christianity, Protestantism, and Islam. </span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">Hoffer was a conservative longshoreman, but his descriptions would
incorporate the flag lapel wearers, the xenophobes, and the English Only crowd.
Also to be fair, in previous conservations, I have criticized Chicana/o
excesses in this area – the true believer comes in disparate packages.</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">With this said, the right wing always tries to generalize this label as
exclusive to the left. For example since George Orwell’s masterpiece <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">1984</i> was published, they have claimed
that big brother refers to the evils of communism and socialism, forgetting
that Orwell was a lifetime socialist, and that his criticism was of Stalin,
which makes little difference to people who don’t know the difference between
Sunnis and Shiites.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">Orwell’s sympathies are
clear in his book <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Homage to Catalonia</i>
that described the ideological conflicts in the Spanish Civil War in 1936. We
can only imagine what Orwell would say about the USA in 2013, and the growth of
the government surveillance state. </span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">The truth be told, it is
difficult not to become a true believer in a world of believers. However, we
have an obligation to corny words such as the Truth and Objectivity. When you
write history, for example, you have to strive toward the Truth, which is a
canon of the history profession that members do not always adhered to. In our
postmodern world, the Truth is found through the writer’s reality. </span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">No matter how hard you try,
you will never get the perfect narrative, but you try.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When I wrote the second edition of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Occupied America </i>I knew there was a void
in my coverage of the 1950s when students asked me questions that I could not
answer. So I photocopied the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Eastside Sun</i>,
synthesizing articles on Chicanas/os, and did the same with the <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Belvedere Citizen</i>. The outcome was a
more nuanced chapter on the 50s as well as the book, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">A Community Under Siege</i>. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">This is why I am impatient
with the sophistry of some self-described Chicana/o scholars. I recently read a
website that threw an indirecta at me saying that oral interviews told history
whereas photographs did not. I could not believe it, knowing that the uses of
oral interviews as well as photos both are problematic without extensive
checking.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">Photos and oral history are
not mutually exclusive; it is not a popularity contest. It took me almost forty
years to wind-down the research on <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Corridors
of Migration</i>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I consulted every
major archive in Mexico City, Chihuahua, Sonora, Arizona, California, Mexico
and consulted U.S. and Mexican consular papers. At the same time, I studied the
digitized archives at the Bancroft, newspapers, the Library of Congress, and
others. Along with this I interviewed communist organizers of the 1933 Cotton
Strike as well as rank and file members. This was not enough, I travelled to
the San Joaquin Valley and Clifton- Morenci where I interviewed Mexicans and
whites. </span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">Some of these interviews
were contentious. Driving into the large plantations in the San Joaquin Valley,
places with a half dozen snarling guard dogs and men with shotguns was an
experience. Most of these interviews are in my papers at CSUN.</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">Chicana/history is not a
fantasy or a group of opinions. There is Truth, and it often takes work to
learn it, and it should never be based on the testimony of a single disaffected
person. The latter is a flaw of a lot of scholarly research. </span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">I know people who have
written about the 1970s at CSUN who have never stepped foot on the campus. Lazy
or do they already have their minds made up?</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">Why is the Truth so
important?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Partially it is because only
through the exercise in finding it will we find what reality is. During the
Civil Rights movement, "The truth shall make you free" was repeated
over and over.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It comes from the Gospel
of John which says "And Ye Shall Know the Truth and the Truth Shall Make
You Free." (There is no lack of irony to find this quote carved in stone
in the Original Headquarters Building of the Central Intelligence Agency.)</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">But the Truth has very
little relevance to the true believers -- the ones that suffer from a lack of
vigorous standards. How can you correct the past with knowing it? My fiend
Devon Peña likes to quote French Philosopher Jacques Derrida “Memory is a moral
obligation, all the time."</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">But how then can you correct
injustices or know the Truth without distinguishing between fact and fiction? I
would hate to base this reality on the word of Cheney or Obama’s advisers.</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">In no way do I want to
disparage the blogger who brings to the table issues and information that the
media ignores. There is also a difference between the hot rhetoric (hyperbole)
that is used to mobilize people and the distortion of the Truth. Most people
can handle the truth, what they cannot handle is personal vendettas. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">Illustrations Google images</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">Peanuts and Oranges: Support
Scholarship Fund</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">For those who have an extra
$5 a month for scholarship, the For Chicana/o Studies Foundation was started
with money awarded to Rudy Acuña as a result of his successful lawsuit against
the University of California at Santa Barbara. The Foundation has given over
$60,000 to plaintiffs filing discrimination suits against other universities.
However, in the last half dozen years it has shifted its focus, and it has
awarded 7-10 scholarships for $750 per award on an annual basis to Chicana/o
and Latina/o students at California State University-Northridge (CSUN). The For
Chicana/o Studies Foundation is a 501(c) (3) Foundation and all donations are
deductible. Although many of its board members are associated with Chicana/o
Studies, it is not part of the department. All monies generated go to fund
these scholarships.</span></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 16.0pt;">We know that times are hard.
Lump sum donations can be sent to For Chicana Chicano Studies Foundation, 11222
Canby Ave., Northridge, Ca. 91326 or through PayPal below. You can reach us at <a href="mailto:forchs@earthlink.net" moz-do-not-send="true">forchs@earthlink.net</a>.
Click on to <a href="http://forchicanachicanostudies.wikispaces.com/" moz-do-not-send="true">http://forchicanachicanostudies.wikispaces.com/</a> and
make a donation. You may also elect to send $5.00, $10.00 or $25.00 monthly.
For your convenience and privacy you may donate via PayPal. The important thing
is not the donation, but your continued involvement. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></b></div>
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Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-69882343173823673752013-07-14T12:56:00.004-07:002014-03-24T07:50:41.371-07:00The Trayvon Martin Case: Racist Color-Blind Justice in Post-Racial America?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The Trayvon Martin Case: Racist Color-Blind Justice
in Post-Racial America?</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Dr. Victor M. Rodriguez</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Department of Chicano and Latino Studies</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">California State University, Long Beach</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">(July 14, 2013) Most U.S. citizens today don’t
believe that racism persists in this country. During the civil rights movement
the anti-racist perspective had gained the moral high ground to the extent that
most people would not dare use racial epithets in public. It is obvious to many
that the culture in this nation has shifted dramatically. In fact, surveys
indicate that racial animosity has significantly declined. Today, those
victimized by racial discrimination are at a disadvantage when trying to prove
that an event, an action is racially discriminatory. However, the reason for
this disadvantage is not that racism is a thing of the past but that the
dynamics of race in the 21<sup>st</sup> century have transformed themselves
dramatically.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">First of all, since the civil rights movement raised
some important and dramatically important moral and ethical issues, individuals
do not want to be perceived as racist. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>With
the exception of the fringe avowedly and militantly racist most people cringe
at the idea that they could be behaving or thinking in racist terms. It is for
this reason that recent surveys in the last decade have shown some important
declines in the verbal public expression of prejudicial remarks. We don’t want to be
perceived as racists and we have learned to lie in surveys. However, unobtrusive,
covert methods of measuring racial discrimination still indicate the extent of
racial discrimination in US society. Unfortunately, these are the kinds of
evidence that unless they are shown in television (not often) or revealed
in public places like schools, or the internet most U.S. residents are
oblivious to them. For one, we are still a segregated society. In fact,
segregation in some areas of the country has, in fact increased. So what people
know of others (for instance African Americans or Latinos) is shaped by the stereotypical
images they see on television or on films. So Mr. Zimmerman may not have had a
lot of interaction with African Americans (just a selected few) he sure knew
something about “Black youth.”</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Racism today expresses itself not in the images of
Ku Klux Klan men publicly lynching people of color but through the subtle workings
of institutions. It is difficult for a society whose culture is so
individualistic to be able to cognitively understand how systemic forces are at
work in this society. The Trayvon Martin case is a classic example. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">People believe that “racial profiling” is a figment
of the imagination of people of color particularly African Americans. This occurs
despite the fact that we have decades of scientific data that provides evidence
of how people of color are disadvantaged in every stage of their life. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But this is not the sort of information that
is part of the popular culture and remains suspects to individualistically
thinking persons. The color-blind ideology that has become dominant in this
society provides a cover for the way in which racism operates today. As Marx
said, society seems “opaque’ to us since we don’t see its inner workings. But
also, the legal system has contributed to this perception or lack of a clear perception.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The Supreme Court decisions to emasculate the Civil
Rights Voting Act which eliminated the requirement (Section V <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Shelby County vs Holder</i>) that states
where historically people of color had experienced institutionalized efforts to
disenfranchise them (today we euphemistically call this “voter suppression”) had to submit any plans to change voting processes or redistricting to the Jsutice Department.. In
states like Florida, for example 520,521 (23.3%) of African Americans have lost
their right to vote of participate in juries. This is one of the reasons a
majority white jury in Florida did not include more black juries. How can there
be a rich evaluation of the evidence if the dominant perspective comes from
people that do not even consider racial profiling a fact, just the product of a
minority group’s paranoia? Unfortunately close to 35 states disenfranchise citizens if they have been convicted or are on probation. These tends to happen more often in states that have a history of racial oppression. Close to 4 million persos across the U.S. became second class citizens even when thye have paid their debt to society. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">But from the beginning the final outcome of this trial
had been rigged. These things do not happen overtly or conscious but as a
result of how racist assumptions are embedded within the structures of this society.
Angela Corey, the Florida State Attorney (who tried her southern hospitality on
the audience during the final press conference) decided that Mr. Zimmerman
would be tried on a Second Degree Murder charge. The requirements for getting a
conviction for this charge are higher than for manslaughter. Also, the penal
consequences are much higher which could have given the jurors reason to
acquit. If the prosecutors had focused on manslaughter they would probably have
won. Here they did not have to prove a “depraved mind.” This is a very high standard. This harks back to
another Supreme Court decision on an Alabama case (Sandoval 2001) which
overturned a case on racial discrimination because it proved racial discrimination on the basis of the doctrine of “disparate effect.”
Basically, the case had to do with forbidding the use of Spanish in providing
driving manuals for applicants. The court said that the litigants had to prove “intent”
to discriminate not disparate effect (that it would have discriminatory effects on those who
did not know English). How do you get into the mind of an individual to prove “intent?”
How do you prove a “depraved mind?” Very difficult. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Recently, the Department of education released a
study that included the largest sample of public school instances of
suspensions and disciplinary actions on the basis of race. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Among the key findings are:</span></div>
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">African-American students, particularly males, are far
more likely to be suspended or expelled from school than their
peers. Black students make up 18% of the students in the CRDC
sample, but 35% of the students suspended once, and 39% of the students
expelled.</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Students learning English (ELL) were 6% of the CRDC
high school enrollment, but made up 12% of students retained.</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Only 29% of high-minority high schools offered
Calculus, compared to 55% of schools with the lowest black and Hispanic
enrollment.</span></li>
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Teachers in high-minority schools were paid $2,251 less
per year than their colleagues in teaching in low-minority schools in the
same district.</span></li>
</ul>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">This is not an isolated occurrence
this is something that permeates U.S. society, U.S.S culture is steeped in
these assumptions about young people of color. This leads to the disparity in
incarceration of African Americans. For every white person incarcerated 5.6
Blacks are in prison. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">It took centuries to construct the racist system, it will take a while to dismantle it. </span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; mso-outline-level: 1;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 24.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">Fourteen Examples of Racism in Criminal Justice System (Edited)</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Posted: 07/26/10 07:45 AM ET </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/bill-quigley"><span style="color: blue; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-no-proof: yes; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><span style="mso-ignore: vglayout;"><img alt="Bill Quigley" border="0" height="45" src="file:///C:\Users\victor\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.jpg" width="45" /></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; mso-outline-level: 2;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 18.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/bill-quigley"><span style="color: blue;">Bill
Quigley</span></a></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Legal Director, Center for
Constitutional Rights; Professor, Loyola New Orleans</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Look what these facts show. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">One. The US has seen a surge in
arrests and putting people in jail over the last four decades. Most of the
reason is the war on drugs. Yet whites and blacks engage in drug offenses,
possession and sales, at roughly comparable rates - according to a report on
race and drug enforcement published by Human Rights Watch in May 2008. While
African Americans comprise 13% of the US population and 14% of monthly drug
users they are 37% of the people arrested for drug offenses - according to 2009
Congressional testimony by Marc Mauer of The Sentencing Project.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Two. The police stop blacks and
Latinos at rates that are much higher than whites. In New York City, where
people of color make up about half of the population, 80% of the NYPD stops
were of blacks and Latinos. When whites were stopped, only 8% were frisked.
When blacks and Latinos are stopped 85% were frisked according to information
provided by the NYPD. The same is true most other places as well. In a
California study, the ACLU found blacks are three times more likely to be
stopped than whites. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Three. Since 1970, drug arrests have
skyrocketed rising from 320,000 to close to 1.6 million according to the Bureau
of Justice Statistics of the U.S. Department of Justice. <br />
African Americans are arrested for drug offenses at rates 2 to 11 times higher
than the rate for whites - according to a May 2009 report on disparity in drug
arrests by Human Rights Watch.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Four. Once arrested, blacks are more
likely to remain in prison awaiting trial than whites. For example, the New
York state division of criminal justice did a 1995 review of disparities in
processing felony arrests and found that in some parts of New York blacks are
33% more likely to be detained awaiting felony trials than whites facing felony
trials.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Five. Once arrested, 80% of the
people in the criminal justice system get a public defender for their lawyer.
Race plays a big role here as well. Stop in any urban courtroom and look a the
color of the people who are waiting for public defenders. Despite often heroic
efforts by public defenders the system gives them much more work and much less
money than the prosecution. The American Bar Association, not a radical bunch,
reviewed the US public defender system in 2004 and concluded "All too
often, defendants plead guilty, even if they are innocent, without really
understanding their legal rights or what is occurring...The fundamental right
to a lawyer that America assumes applies to everyone accused of criminal
conduct effectively does not exist in practice for countless people across the
US."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Six. African Americans are
frequently illegally excluded from criminal jury service according to a June
2010 study released by the Equal Justice Initiative. For example in Houston
County, Alabama, 8 out of 10 African Americans qualified for jury service have
been struck by prosecutors from serving on death penalty cases. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Seven. Trials are rare. Only 3 to 5
percent of criminal cases go to trial - the rest are plea bargained. Most
African Americans defendants never get a trial. Most plea bargains consist of
promise of a longer sentence if a person exercises their constitutional right
to trial. As a result, people caught up in the system, as the American Bar
Association points out, plead guilty even when innocent. Why? As one young man
told me recently, "Who wouldn't rather do three years for a crime they
didn't commit than risk twenty-five years for a crime they didn't do?"</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Eight. The U.S. Sentencing
Commission reported in March 2010 that in the federal system black offenders
receive sentences that are 10% longer than white offenders for the same crimes.
Marc Mauer of the Sentencing Project reports African Americans are 21% more
likely to receive mandatory minimum sentences than white defendants and 20%
more like to be sentenced to prison than white drug defendants.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Nine. The longer the sentence, the
more likely it is that non-white people will be the ones getting it. A July
2009 report by the Sentencing Project found that two-thirds of the people in
the US with life sentences are non-white. In New York, it is 83%.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ten. As a result, African Americans,
who are 13% of the population and 14% of drug users, are not only 37% of the
people arrested for drugs but 56% of the people in state prisons for drug offenses.
Marc Mauer May 2009 Congressional Testimony for The Sentencing Project.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Eleven. The US Bureau of Justice
Statistics concludes that the chance of a black male born in 2001 of going to
jail is 32% or 1 in three. Latino males have a 17% chance and white males have
a 6% chance. Thus black boys are five times and Latino boys nearly three times
as likely as white boys to go to jail.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Twelve. So, while African American
juvenile youth is but 16% of the population, they are 28% of juvenile arrests,
37% of the youth in juvenile jails and 58% of the youth sent to adult prisons.
2009 Criminal Justice Primer, The Sentencing Project. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Thirteen. Remember that the US leads
the world in putting our own people into jail and prison. The New York Times
reported in 2008 that the US has five percent of the world's population but a
quarter of the world's prisoners, over 2.3 million people behind bars, dwarfing
other nations. The US rate of incarceration is five to eight times higher than
other highly developed countries and black males are the largest percentage of
inmates according to ABC News.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Fourteen. Even when released from
prison, race continues to dominate. A study by Professor Devah Pager of the
University of Wisconsin found that 17% of white job applicants with criminal
records received call backs from employers while only 5% of black job
applicants with criminal records received call backs. Race is so prominent in
that study that whites with criminal records actually received better treatment
than blacks without criminal records!</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">So, what conclusions do these facts
lead to? The criminal justice system, from start to finish, is seriously
racist. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Professor Michelle Alexander
concludes that it is no coincidence that the criminal justice system ramped up
its processing of African Americans just as the Jim Crow laws enforced since
the age of slavery ended. Her book, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the
Age of Colorblindness sees these facts as evidence of the new way the US has
decided to control African Americans - a racialized system of social control.
The stigma of criminality functions in much the same way as Jim Crow - creating
legal boundaries between them and us, allowing legal discrimination against
them, removing the right to vote from millions, and essentially warehousing a
disposable population of unwanted people. She calls it a new caste system.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Poor whites and people of other
ethnicity are also subjected to this system of social control. Because if poor
whites or others get out of line, they will be given the worst possible
treatment, they will be treated just like poor blacks.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">What to do? </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Martin Luther King Jr., said we as a
nation must undergo a radical revolution of values.<br />
A radical approach to the US criminal justice system means we must go to the
root of the problem. Not reform. Not better beds in better prisons. We are not
called to only trim the leaves or prune the branches, but rip up this unjust
system by its roots.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">We are all entitled to safety. That
is a human right everyone has a right to expect. But do we really think that
continuing with a deeply racist system leading the world in incarcerating our
children is making us safer? </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">It is time for every person
interested in justice and safety to join in and dismantle this racist system.
Should the US decriminalize drugs like marijuana? Should prisons be abolished?
Should we expand the use of restorative justice? Can we create fair
educational, medical and employment systems? All these questions and many more
have to be seriously explored. Join a group like INCITE, Critical Resistance,
the Center for Community Alternatives, Thousand Kites, or the California Prison
Moratorium and work on it. As Professor Alexander says "Nothing short of a
major social movement can dismantle this new caste system." </span></div>
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Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-57007363973802150592013-05-10T09:24:00.000-07:002013-05-10T09:25:05.779-07:00<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Great Slides About Global Inequality and Its Consequences <br />
<br />
<a href="http://www.equalitytrust.org.uk/sites/default/files/attachments/resources/the-spirit-level-slides-from-the-equality-trust.pptx" target="_blank">http://www.equalitytrust.org.uk/sites/default/files/attachments/resources/the-spirit-level-slides-from-the-equality-trust.pptx</a>http://www.equalitytrust.org.uk/sites/default/files/attachments/resources/the-spirit-level-slides-from-the-equality-trust.pptx<br />
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Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3412928156784396477.post-25496398298207944242013-05-10T09:21:00.001-07:002013-05-10T09:21:48.823-07:00<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<a href="http://m.motherjones.com/politics/2011/11/states-federal-taxes-spending-charts-maps">Conservative States Get More Federal Mony than Liberal States</a></div>
Victor M Rodriguez Dominguezhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15543639236485219029noreply@blogger.com0